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Secretary of State. 






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II. DESCRIPTION OF NEW NETHERLAND ; By Rev. Isaac Jogues, S. J., 13 


Van Tienhoven, 1650, , 19 

Mode of clearing and cultivating the wild land, 23 ; of the building of houses at first, ib.; of 
the necessary cattle and their prices, 24 ; necessary supplies for the farmer, ib.; conditions 
on which land was at first granted, 26. 

IV. JOURNAL OF THE SECOND ESOPUS WAR ; By Capt. Kregier, 1663, 27 

V. BREEDEN RAEDT ; Extracts from the, 1649, 63 


Discovery of New Netherland, 75 ; Rivers, ib ; Trees and Vines, Fruits and Mines, and 
Animals, 76; Birds, 78; Fishes, 79; Rattlesnakes; Native Tribes, ib. ; Their clothing 
and houses, 80 ; manners and customs, 81 ; their language, money and nature, 82 ; Weap- 
ons, laws, councils, ib.; Religion and belief, 88 ; Colonization of the country, ib. 

First Emigrants to New Netherland, from Baudartius, 84 

VII. TRIAL FOR WITCHCRAFT, In New York, 1665, 85 


Of Bushwick, 91 ; of Breukelen, 93; of Flatbush, 94; of Flatlands, 100; of N. Utrecht, 102. 


Queries relating to His Majesty's Prov. of N. Y., 107 ; Cadwallader Colden's Observations on^^ 
the Soil, Cliijiate, Water Communications, &c., of New York, 109; Lt. Gov. Clark's answer 
to the queries of the Board of Trade, 116 ; Return showing the commerce of the Port of New 
York in 1738, 117 ; Population returns of each county in the Province, 118 ; Names of the 
heads of families in Flatbush, 122 ; in Flatlands, 124 ; of Gravesend, 126; of New Utrecht, 
127 ; in Brooklyn, 128 ; in Bushwyck, 130 ; in Suffolk county, 132 ; in Dutchess county, 134; 
Names of the officers and privates in the several companies of Militia in the Province, 136 ; 
Indians of New York and Canada, 155. 

YORK s 157 



A list of early Missionaries among the Iroquois, 189 

1756. Jan. 18. Rer. J. C. Hartwick to Sir Wm. Johnson ; with a project for better peopling and 

governing America, 191 

15. Address of Rev. J. C. Hartwick to the Mohawks, 192 

Proposed Address of the Seven Nations to the king In favor of Rev. J. C. Hartwick,. 193 
May 14. Rev. Mr. Ogilvie of Albany, to Sir Wm. Johnson ; necessity of forts among the In- 
dians ; Washington surrounded ; Patroon's mills burnt 19o 



1761. Mar. 1. Sir Wm, Jotnson to Rev. Jean B. Robault, enclosing him ten pounds and requesting 

him to use his influence with the Abenakes of his flock, 196 

27. Rev. Mr. Brown to Sir Wm. Johnson, apologizing for not being able to go to Fort Hunter, 196 
Nov. 17. Sir Wm. Johnson to Rev. Dr. Wheelock ; Kirtland learning the Indian language ; Jo- 
seph Brant's education commenced, 197 ^^^ 

1762. Feb. 8. Rev. Mr. Oel to Sir Wm. Johnson, cannot consent to the Bostoniers introducing their 

Presbyterian church among the Indians, 198 

Mar. 7. Gren. Amherst to Col. Bradstreet ; first Presbyterian church in Albany, 199 

13. Sir Wm. Johnson to Rev. Mr. Barclay ; respecting Mr. Bennet, 199 '' 

April 5. Rev. David Zeisberger to Mr. Peters relative to his journey to Wyoming, 200 

10. Edw. Johnson, teacher at Tuscarora, to Sir Wm. Johnson, with a report of his progress 

among the Indians, 200 - 

10. Isaac, a Tuscarora Indian, and his wife, to Sir Wm. Johnson, .................... 201 

Aug. 20. Rev. Dr. Wheelock to Sir Wm. Johnson relative to moving his Indian' school from 

Lebanon, - 201 -■"' 

Septv 8. The same to the same ; obtains a portion of Sir Peter Warren's legacy ; the Boston 
Society desires to set up English schools among the Indians ; Dr. W. wishes to re- 
move to the Mohawk country, 202 

8. Rev. Dr. Pomroy to Sir Wm. Johnson in favor of Dr. Wbeelook's school, (enclosing), - 203 
July 10. Letter from the clergy, of divers churches in New England; recommending Dr. Whee- 

look's school to the patronage of the public, 204 

Oct. 16. Sir Wm. Johnson to Dr. Pomroy, in favor of Dr. Wheeloek's qualifications, 205 

16. The same to Dr. Wheelock ; is opposed to local schools among the Indians, 206 -' 

16. The same to Rev. Dr. Barclay, respecting a new Indian prayer-book, 206 

1763. Jan. 20. Dr. Wheelock to Sir Wm. Johnson; some account of Mr. C. Jefifery Smith, and the 

Lebanon school ; Brant, (with,) 207 "^ 

18. G. Jeffery Smith to Sir W. Johnson ; proposes visiting the Mohawk country as a mission- 
ary ; much attached to Brant, 208 

1763. April 2. Mr. Weyman, printer, to Dr. Barclay, concerning the Indian prayer-book, 209 

2. Dr. Wheelock to Gren'l Amherst ; asks for four townships on the west side of the Stis- 

quehanna river for his school, 210 

29. Sir Wm. Johnson to Dr. Barclay about the Indian prayer-book, .% 211 

May 16. Dr. Wheelock to Sir Wm. j6hnson about Mr. Smith and Brant, 211 

23. Gen'l Amherst to Dr. Wheelock, advises him tO' apply to the king, 212 

Aug. 8. Dr. Barclay to Rev. S. Johnson ; the Boston commissioners' offer ; Mr. Bennet catc- , 

chist to the Mohawks ; Palmer ■; Punderson, 212 p 

Oct. 20. Mr. Weyman to Dr. Barclay about the Indian prayer-book, 213 

Dec. 29. Rev. Mr. Lappius to Sir Wm. Johnson ; requiring aid, 214 

[No date.] Rev. Mr. Robaud to the same ; hopes the English will retain Canada, &c., 215 

1764. Mar. 22. The schoolmaster at Canajohary to Sir Wm. Johnson ; the Indians will not allow the ^ 

children to be chastised, ► 216 T 

Sept. 17. Mr. Weyman to Sir Wm. Johnson ; Indian prayer-book ; death of Dr. Barclay,. 217 

Oct. 24. Dr. Wheelock to the same ; Kirtland ; WooUey 217 

Nov. 27. Mr. Weyman to the same ; the Indian prayer-book, 219 

Dec. 10. Circular of the N. Y. Soc. for promotion of the arts, 219 

1765. Jan. 4. Sir Wm. Johnson's answer to the foregoing circular 220 

Jan. 8. Rev. Mr. Brown to Sir Wm. Johnson ; proposes visiting the Mohawk castle, 221 

Feb. 27. Sir Wm. .Johnson to the Society for promoting the arts ; subscribes and gives an account 

of the state of Agriculture in the Mohawk country, 22 1 




1765. Mar. 23. Dr. Wheelock to Sir Win. Johnson thanking him for his favor to Kirtland ; reports the 

progress' of his school,. . , . .Vr.'.' 222 

April 29. Dr. Whoclock's address to the sachems of the Six Nations, 223 « 

29. The same to Sir Wm. Johnson, gives an account of proposed new Missions among the 

Indians, 226 - 

June 17. Rev. S. Kirtland to the same ; giving his experience at Canadesage, 227 

Oct. 21. Dr. "Wheelock to the same; with the thanks of the Connecticut Board of Missions,. . . . 228 
Nov. 7. Sir. Wm. Johnson to Ecv. Thos. Barton ; consents to become a member of the Society 

for Prop, the Gospel, 228 

Dec. 20. Churchwardens of Schenectady to Sir Wm. Johnson inviting him to be a trustee, 229 

1766. Feb. 18. Rev. S. Kirtland to the same ; with an account of affairs at Canadesage, 230 

Mar. 25. Mr. Weyman to the same; Rev. Mr. Ogilvie will superintend the Indian prayer-book,. 230 
Miay. V. Dow, Mayor of Albany, to Dr. Wheelock in favor of his efforts for christianizing the 

Indians, 231 v. 

July 4. Dr. Wheelock to Sir Wm. Johnson introducing other Missionaries, &c., 231 > 

Sept. 13. Rev. Mr. Brown to the same ; proposes a visit to the Indians, 233 

Oct, lO; Rev. Mr. Chamberlain to Rev. Mr. Brown, complaining of his re-baptizing children al- 
ready baptized by the Presbyterians, 233 " 

Dec. 4. Churchwardens of Schenectady to Sir Wm. Johnson, 234 

29. Rev. Mr. Chamberlain to Sir Wm. Johnson explanatory of his motives for complaining 

of Mr. Brown's proceeding, 235 

1767. Jan. 30. Rev. Mr. Brown to the same ; church at Great Barrington, 235 

May 29. Rev. Mr. Hanna to the same ; is about to practice law at Schenectady, 236 

1768. Jan. 6. Mr. Arbo, secretary to the Moravians, to the same, praying his protection, 236 

Feb. 1. Rov. Drl Burton, Sec. of Society for Propagating the Gospel, to the same ; enquiring 

what would be the proper allowance for a missionary among the Indians, 237 

Mar. 21. Corporation of Albany to Dr. Wheelock, encouraging him to remove his school to the 

vicinity of their city, 238 

April 8. Dr. Wheelock to the corporation of Albany ; is invited to establish his school elsewhere, 239 

May. Rev. Mr. Barton to Sir Wm. Johnson ; state of affairs on the Pennsylvania frontier,. . 240 
Aug.' 5. Mr. J. W. Brown to the same; inviting Rev. Mr. Murray to the church at Schenectady ; 

Presbyterians anxious for Mr. Bay, 241 

26. Hugh Gaine to the same ; giving an account of the state of the Indian prayer-book,. . . 242 

Sept. 8. Sir Wm. Johnson to Hugh Gaine ; on the same subject, 243 

17. Hugh Gaine to Sir Wm. Johnson ; same subject continued, 243 

Oct. 1&. Mr. J. W. Brown to the same, about the Schenectady church, 244 

16. Memorial of Dr. Wheelock to the commissioners at the treaty of Fort Stanwix, 244 

17. Caveat of two New England Missionaries against the treaty at Fort Stanwix 245 

Parson Johnson to Sir Wm. Johnson ; is a friend to the Indians, 246 

20. The same to the commissioners ; defining his allegiance, 246 

22. The same to Sir Wra. Johnson; approves of not allowing the Indians intoxicating liquors 

at this time ; complains of the Senecas coming armed to the treaty, 247 

30. The same to the commissioners ; hopes a door will be kept open for the propagation of 

the gospel among the Indians, 248 ^ 

31. Speech intended to be delivered by Parson Johnson to ithe Indians at Fort Stanwix, . . . 248 
N^ov. 19. Hugh Gaine to Sir Wm. Johnson ; the'Indian prayer-book,. . . . ..i'.'. . , : .,, 249 

24. Sir Wm. Johnson to Gen'l Gage; intrigue's of the New' Erigtana ' Missioiiaries at the 

treaty of Fort Stanwix, 249 

28. Dr. Shuckburgh to Sir Wm. Johnson ; Indian praj'er-booT^,. , 250 

Dec. 6. Mr. J. W. Brown to the same ; progress of the Church at Scnehectaay, 261 


1768. Dec. 10. Sir Wm. Johnson to Gen'l Gage ; introduces James Adair, author of the History of 

the American Indians, 251' / 

17G9. Jan. 3. The same to Rev. Dr. Smith ; thanks him for the care of his son, and for his election as 

member of the Philosophical Society, 252 

24. Joseph Chew, Esq., to Sir AVm. Johnson ; Connecticut Assembly applied to for a deed 

of the Susquehanna lands ; dissenting missionaries reported to be excluded from the 

Indian country, , 253 

25. Sir Wm. Johnson to Rev. Dr. Auchmuty ; the election ; footing of the Church of Eng- 

land in the Province, 254 

Feb. 2. Hugh Gaine to Sir Wm. Johnson ; Indian prayer-book completed, 254 

25. Churchwardens of Schenectady to the same ; (enclosing,) 255 

Jan. 31. Letter from Rev. Mr. Murray, declining the Church at Schenectady, 255' 

Mar. 17. Pass to Messrs. Dauforth and Willard to observe the transit of Vonus, 256 

April 3. John Rand to Rev. Dr. Auchmuty, is willing to accept the school at Johnstown, 256 

12. Rev. Harry Munro to Sir Wm. Johnson ; proposes to visit the Indians, 257 

22. Hugh Gaine to the same ; Indian prayer-book, 258 

30. James Adair to the same : requesting introduction to Lord Hillsboro', 259 

[No date.] The same to the same ; his work patronized in New York, 259 

May 10. Sir Wm. Johnson to Mr. Adair, forwarding subscriptions to his work on the Indians, . . 260 

List of .scholars at the Free school at Johnstown, 261 -j» 

Aug. 28. List of scholars at the Mohawk school. Fort Hunter 261 \Lf ) 

31. Hugh Gaine to Sir Wm. Johnson ; Indian prayer-book, 262 

Not. 9. James Adair to the same ; regarding his progress in obtaining subscriptions to his work 

on the Indians, 262 

16. Geo. Croghan to the same ; introdueiug Rev. Mr. Andrews, 263 

1 8. Secretary Banyar to the same ; on the same subject, 264 

Dec. 10. Mr. Andrews to the same ; proposing that Episcopal clergymen be introduced from Ire- 
land into New York 264 

1770. Jan. 28. The .same to the same ; returns to Ireland, 265 

May 11. Rev. Dr. Auchmuty to the same ; introducing Rev. Mr. Forbes 265 

20. The same to the same ; on the principles of a true churchman ; x\nierican Episcopate ; 

Convention of the clergy, 266 

27. Sir Wm. Johnson to Rev. Dr. Auchmuty ; in answer, 267 

Nov. The same to Rev. Mr. Inglis ; numbers of the Six Nations of Indians ; Dr. Wheelock's 

success ; Rev. Mr. Stuart : Mr. ILill, 267 '^ 

1771. Feb. 28. The same to Dr. Arthur Lee ; customs, manm-rs and languages of the Indians, 269 ")l~- 

The same to Rev. Mr. Barton ; state of religion, 274 '^ 

Mar. 1. The same to Rev. Messrs. Conper and Ogilvic ; Rev. Mr. Griffilli invited to Schenectady, 275 
27. The same to Rev. Chas. In^lis ; the di-isenteis not to be disobliged ; rclij;ious wants of 

the Indians ; Lutheran minister at Stonearabia ilcsiious to conform, 276 

April 4. The same to Rev. Dr. Auchnuity ; Mr. Stuart; Mr. Andrews; the Lutheran minister at 

Stonearabia, 277 

May 4. The same to tlie same concerning Rov. M . TTanna, (cnchj.-ing,) 278 

Rev. Mr. Hanna's testimonials, 279 

June 11. Rev. Dr. Auchmuty to Sir Wm. Jolinsc)n; tlie Lutheran mini-icr ; Jlr. Hanna ; Ameri- 
can Bishop 280 

25. Rev. Harry Munro to the same ; Brant ; state of i lie Church at Albany, 282 \ 

July 4. Sir Wm. Johnsin to Rev. Mr. Inglis on his for christianizing the Indians,. . . 282"^*^ 

The same to Rev. Dr. Auchmuty ; on the state of ; tlie Ltithcran minister, &c., 284 

Aug. 19. Rev. Mr. Inglis to Sir Wm. Johnson ; on the ni.'nmrial, &(•., 285 



1771. [No date.] Vote of thanks from the Commissioners for Propagating the Gospel in New England to 

Sir Wm. Johnson 286 

Aug. 22. Sir "\Vm. Johnson to Eev. Mr. Kirtland, requiring of him the subject of his letter to the 

Boston commissioners, 287 

Sept. 10. The same to Rev. Mr. Inglis on the memorial, 287 

21. Rev. Chas. Inglis to Sir Wm. Johnson ; on the same subject 288 

28. Sir Wm. Johnson to Rev. Mr. Inglis ; on the same subject,. ....,.,,. 289 

28. Rev. Mr. Andrews to Sir Wm. Johnson ; grammar school in Schenectady, 290 

Oct. 23. Rev. Mr. Inglis to the same ; on the memorial 291 

Nov. 5. Rev. Mr. Andrews to the same ; opens an academy, 292 

18. Sir Wm. Johnson to Rev. Mr. Andrews ; in answer, 293 

1772. Jan. 27. The same to Rev. Chas. Inglis ; on the fund for the support of ladies whose husbands or 

relatives have served the state, 293 

May 18. John Cottgrave to Sir Wm. Johnson; with suggestions for the improvement of the 

church and school, 294 

June 25. Sir Wm. Johnson to Rev. Mr. Andrews ; expects a missionary for the church at Johns- 
town, 295 

July 20. Rev. Mr. Hanna to Sir Wm. Johnson ; receives orders in the Church of England, .... 296 

23. Rev. Mr. Andrews to the same ; offering to officiate occasionally at Johnstown, 298 

Oct. 2. Sir Wm. Johnson to the Rev. Dr. Burton ; about Rev. Mr. Moseley 299 

15. Letters of ordination of Rev. David Jones, 300 

Nov. 12. Rev. Harry Munro to Sir Wm. Johnson , state of the church in Albany, 301 

1773. Mar. 12. Rev. Matthew Graves to the same ; Mr. Moseley ; Narragansett church, 301 

Aug. 11. Col. Henry Babcock to Rev Dr. Cooper; on establishing an academy in the Indian 

country, 302 

16. Rev. Mr. Andrews to Sir Wm. Johnson ; resigns the Schenectady church to Mr. Doty, 305 
Sept. 17. The same to the same ; reception in Virginia ; wishes to be appointed to Johnstown as 

successor to Mr. Moseley, t 307 

Nov. 19. Sir Wm. Johnson to Col. Babcock, with his opinion on the proposed Indian academy, . 308 

Dee. 28. Col. Babcock to Sir Wm. Johnson ; on the Indian seminary, 308 

1774. Mar. 8. Sir Wm. Johnson to Rev. Dr. Hind ; state of the church on the Mohawk, 309 

21. Churchwardens of Schenectady to Sir Wm. Johnson, 310 

April 1. Sir Wm. Johnson to the churchwardens of Schenectady, 311 

11. Rev. Mr. Moseley to Sir Wm. Johnson, thanking him for his past kindness, 312 

Memoir of Rev. Dr. Stuart, missionary at Fort Hunter, 313 




1749. Nov. 17. Gov. Wentworth of N. Hampshire, to Gov. Clinton of New York, advising him that he 

is about to make grants west of the Connecticut river, and enquiring how far north 

and east the province of New York extends, (enclosing,) 331 

1741. July 3. Extract of Gov. Wentworth's commission setting forth the bounds of New Hampshire,. 334 

1750. April 25. Gov. Wentworth to Gov. Clinton acknowledging receipt of the minutes of council to the 

effect that the River Connecticut comprises the east bounds of New York ; has how- 
ever issued letters patent for the township of Bennington twenty-four miles east of 

Albany, 382 

June 6. Gov. Clinton to Gov. Wentworth ; explanatory of the west bounds of Connecticut and 
Massachusetts ; The land in Bennington has been already granted by New York ; h 

surprised that he was in such a hurry in passing that patent, 333 



1750. June 22. Gov. Wentworth to Gov. Clinton, is not disposed to have any dispute with New York ; 

proposes a reference of the matter to Enghind, 333 

July 25. Gov. Clinton to Gov. "Wentworth ; accepts the reference, proposes to exchange repre- 
sentations with New Hampshire, 334 

Sept 2. Gov. Wentworth to Gov. Clinton ; accepts the offer to exchange, and promises to com- 
municate a copy of his representation when perfect, 334 

1751. Oct. Report of the Attorney-General of New York on the case between the latter province 

and New Hampshire respecting their boundary, 334 

Oct. 14. Cadwallader Colden's observations on the Attorney- General's report, 339 

1752. Au-:', 14. Extract from the report of the Attorney and Solicitor-Goneral on the state of the case 

with respect to certain townships in New England, 340 

Dec. 22. Secretary of the Board of Trade to the agent for tlic Province of New York, (enclosing,) . 340 
1751 . Mar. 23. Extract of a letter from Benning Wentworth, governor of New Hampshire, to the Board 
of Trade, containing his proposal that the line of New Hamp.shire run as far west as 
that of Massachusetts, 341 

1753. Nov. 14. Report of the committee of the Provincial Council, and the commissioners on the eastern 

boundary, of New York, in answer to Gov. Wentworth's letter to the Board of Trade, 341 
1759. Sept. SI. Proclamation of the Lieut. Governor of New York for forming settlements between Fort 

Edward and Lake George, 345 

1763. Mar. 15. Affidavit of Alex. McLean to the eff-ct that New Hamp.shire is laying out lands at Crown 

Point and on the east of Lake Cliamplain 346 

Dee. 28. Proclamation of Lieut. Gov. Golden, asserting the Connecticut River to be the east 

bounds of the Prov. of New York, 346 

1764. Jan. 20. Lt. Gov. Golden to the Board of Trade, reviewing the dispute between New York and 

New Hampshire, and sustaining the claim of the former to the territory in question,. 348 
Feb. 8. The same to the same ; remonstrating further agaiiist the mo.«t surprising and extrava- 
gant encroachments of New Hampshire, which has already granted IGO townships 

west of the Connecticut River; encloses copy of his proclamation, 851 

Mar. 15. Counter proclamation of Gov. Wentworth in vindication of the New Hampshire grants, 353 
April 12. Lt. Gov. Colden to the Board of Trade, enclosing copy of Gov. Wentwortii's proclama- 
tion whose grants are hawking around New Jersey, &c., at low rates for the purpose 
of raising money, asks for a speedy decision, as he wishes to settle the discharged sol- 
diers in the vicinity of Lake Champlain, 354 

July 20. Order of the king in council declaring the Connecticut river the boundary between New 

York and New Hampshire, 355 

Aug. Sheriff Schuyler to Lt. Gov. Coldon ; the New Hanip.shire people iiavc ejected several 

farmers in Hoosic out of possession of tlu-ir lands ; some of the aggressors arrested,. 356 
Sept. 4. Minute of council ; Gov. Wentworth comphiins of the arrest of sundry inhabitants of 
the town of Pownal by the sheriff of Albany, and signifies his disposition to submit 
the question of jurisdiction to the king ; the Lt. Govemor of New York advised to 
decline interfering in the matter, as the question is already Vefore his Miijesty, 356 

1765. May 22. Order of the government of New York in favor of the occujiants of New Hampshire 

who settled before this date 357 

Oct. 9. Petition prnying that the northern part of the Province be di\ided into live counties,. . 358 

15. Another praying for the erection of a new county on the Connecticut river, 359 

2^. Atiother on the same subject, 360 

Report of the Council of New York on the preceding petitions, 361 

Dec. 18, Return of the names of the several persons living in the townships of Pownal, Ben- 
nington, Shaftsbury, Arlington, Sunderland, Manche>li'r, Draper and Danbey, 361 



1766. Jan. 20. Thomas Chandler to Gov. Moore, Tpith a return of the number of men in his and Col. 

Bayley's districts fit to hear arms, 363 

June 6. Order of the Governor and Council of New York that the claimants under New Hamp- 
shire sue out their grants by a limited time, 363 

July 11. Ordinance establishing courts in the county of Cumberland in the Province of New 

York, (Title only given,) 364 

Nomination of the civil officers for said county, , 364 

1767. Feb. 12. Order of the Gov. and Council of New York suspending all proceedings on petitions for 

land on the west side of the Connecticut river already granted by New Hampshire, 
until one or more of the proprietors of such townships appear, 364 

April 11. Lord Shelburne to Gov. Moore ; on petition from the Society for the Propagation of the 
Gospel and the people of Bennington ; no new grants of lands patented by New 
Hampshire are to be made by New York, and no persons to be molested in their pos- 
session under title from the former province until further orders, 865 

June 9, Gov. Moore to Lord Shelburne ; in answer to the representations from Bennington and 

the Society for Propagating the Gospel, 365 

10. The same to the same ; in further defence of New York, 373 

July 24. Order of the king in council forbidding the governor of New York to make grants of 
any lands already patented by New Hainpshire ; with the opinion of the council of 
New York on the construction to be put on the same, 37o 

1768. Api-il 7. List of Judges and other civil officers for Cumberland county, 377 

1769. Aug. 10. Gov. Moore to Lord Hillsboro' forwarding petitions from reduced soldiers and others for 

land east of Lake Chamnlain, and urging the settlement of that country, 377 

Sept. 14. Clergy of Connecticut to Sir Wm. Johnson recommending Partridge Thatcher Esq., to 

be the first governor of the new province to be erected west of the Connecticut river, 378 
Oct. 19. Representation of James Brackenbridge and Samuel Robinson, as to what occurred be- 
tween them and the commissioners for dividing the Wallumschack patent, 380 

Dec. 12. Proclamation of the government of New York for the arrest of Brackenbridge, Robin- 
son and others, for riotously obstructing the partition aforesaid, 379 

1770. Jan. 4. Lt. Gov. Colden to Lord Hillsboro' recommending that the grantees under New Hamp- 

shire obtain confirmations from New York on payment of a reduced scale of fees, . . . 382 
Feb. 10. Gov. J. Wentworth to Lt. Gov. Colden complaining of being obstructed in his duties 

as Surveyor-General of the king's forests by Judge Wells, (enclosing,) 383 

10. Memorial of J. Wentworth to Lt. Gov. Colden complaining of certain trespassers on the 

king's domain on the west side of the Connecticut River, town of Windsor, (with,) . 384 
Jan. 1. Deposition of Benj. Whiting in support of the statements contained in Gov. Went- 

worth's memorial and letter, , 385 

1769. Nov. 15. Deposition of Benj. Wait to the same effect, 386 

Dec. 30. Deposition of Amos Tute to the same effect, 389 

1770. Feb. 28. Order in council for the erection of the county of Gloucester on the west side of the 

Connecticut River, 390 

Mar. Civil officers for Gloucester county 391 

July 19. Rev. Drs. Auchmuty and Cooper to Lt. Gov. Colden recommending certain persons to 

the command of the militia of the county of Gloucester, 391 

Aug. 9. Petition of John Grout, attorney at law, to Ch. Just. Horsmanden for leave to bring 

an action for damages against certain persons for injuries set forth in an, 391 

9. Affidavit of the same, of false imprisonment which he suffered at the hands of certain 

New Hampshire men, • 392 

Vol. IV. B 



1770. Aug. 9. Affidavit of S. Wells, with an account of a riot in Cumberland county 394 

Sept. 29. Report of His Majesty's Prov. Council of New York on Gov. Wentworth's accusation 

against Judge AVells, (with,) 396 

June to Sept. Affidavits of sundry individuals in defence of Judge Wells 397 

Nov. 1. Proclamation of Gov. Dunmore for the arrest of Hatheway, Robinson and other rioters, 

for obstructing the partition of the Wallumschack patent, 405 

1. Petition to the king of the inhabitants of the counties of Cumberland and Gloucester 
complaining of the riotous obstructions of the courts of law and other irregularities 

by the government and people of New Hampshire, 406 

Dec. 3. Petition of the inhabitants on the west side of the Connecticut river to the Earl of Dun- 
more, praying a confirmation of their patents on reduced fees 409 

18. Order in council for the prosecution of Silas Robinson, 411 

1771. Jan. 27. Petition from New Hampshire to the king complaining of the oppressions experienced 

from New York by the people on the grants, and requesting that the latter be annexed 

to New Hampshire, 412 

Mar. 9. Extract of a letter from Gov. Dunmore to Lord Hillsborough, stating that the disorders 
which prevail in the grants are designedly created and fomented by persons in New 
Hampshire ; forwards report of the Attorney-General, (with proofs,) in answer to the 
New Hampshire petition and calls for a revocation of the order suspending grants of 
land in that quarter ; from the people of which he now transmits a petition praying 

to be continued under N. York, (covering,) 414 

4. Certificate of the ^Surveyor-General that reservations have been made in favor of the 

New Hampshire occupants settled before the 22d May, 1765, 415 

Feb. to Mar. Sundry affidavits in support of the statements contained in Gov. Dunmore's letter and 

the Attorney-General's report 416 

May 15. Return of the number of inhabitants in the county of Cumberland 432 

17. Return of the number of inhabitants in the county of Gloucester 432 

A list of the heads of families in the several towns in the county of Gloucester, 433 

30. 'Squire Munro to Secretary Banyar, giving an account of ill treatment recently expe- 
rienced by the " Yorkers " from the settlers of Princetown, with affidavits in support 
of his report, 483 

June 6. Report of the Board of Trade to the Lords of the Privy Council, enumerating the diffi- 
culties attendant on the settlement of the various claims to the lands in the northeast 
part of the province of New York, and submitting their decision thereupon, 435 

Aug. 24. Gov. Tryon to Major Skene and other magistrates, ordering them to grant legal relief to 
Donald Mclntire and others, recently dispossessed of their lands by Robert Cochrane 
and other rioters, 439 

Sept. 18. Judge Wells to Attorney-General Kemp, acquainting him of a fraud committed by the 
persons employed by the N. H. government to survey the upper Connecticut River, 
(with,) ^ 439 

18. Affidavit of Nehemiah Howe in support of the same, 440 

20. Memorial of John Munro praying to be appointed sheriff of the city and county of 

Albany, 441 

23. Deposition of Samuel Gardenier, a settler on the Wallumschack patent giving a detail of 

the ill usage he received from sundry persons disguised as Indians, who destroyed his 

crops and threw down his fences, as he did not hold under New Hampshire, 442 

30. Order of the Council of New York for the apprehension of Seth Warner and others of 

the Bennington mob, : 444 

Contents. xi 


1771. Oct. 2. Grovernor of New York to the Governor of New Hampshire, relative to the ex parte 

survey of the Connecticut River, and remonstrating against the riots recently com- 
mitted by persons claiming to be encouraged by New Hampshire, 445 

Sundry affidavits to prove that the sheriff of Albany has been violently resisted at Ben- 
nington in the execution of his duty, • . . . 446 

Nov. 6. 'Squire Munro to Gov. Tryon _: the same factious spirit prevails throughout his neigh- 
borhood ; the rioters are not afraid of any force sent against them ; another man dis- 
possessed, 452 

12. Affidavit of Charles Hutchesson setting forth the destruction of his house and property 
by Allen, Baker, Cochran, and others, as " a burnt sacrifice to the Gods of the 
world," 453 

12. 'Squire McNachton to Colonel Fanning ; the rioters and traitors have gone to the 

mountains where it is impossible to arrest them, 454 

13. Minutes of council relative to Gov. Wentworth's letter to Gov. Tryon touching the riot- 

ous conduct of the New Hampshire grantees, 455 

27. Minute of council ordering a proclamation to be issued offering a reward for the arrest of 

Ethan Allen, Remember Baker, and other rioters, , 456 

Dec. 9. Proclamation of Gov. Tryon to the above effect, [Not printed.] 

11. Proclamation of Gov. Tryon setting forth the title of New York to the territory west of 
the Connecticut river, recapitulating the encroachments of New Hampshire, and re- 
asserting the rightful claim of New York, 456 

1772. Jan. 8. Gov. Wentworth to Gov. Tryon, (enclosing,) 459 

8. Minute of the New Hampshire council declining to publish Gov. Tryon's proclamation 

of the 11th ultimo, 460 

29. Judge Lord to Gov. Tryon, giving an account of a great riot at Putney, in Cumberland 

county, on 27th of .January, and resigning his office, 461 

Peb. 6. Judge Chandler to the same, with an account of the above riot, objecting to Judge 

Lord's resignation and in favor of divers loyal subjects in his vicinity, 462 

[No date.] 'Squire Munro to the same, with an account of the progress of the rioters at Benning- 
ton, (and enclosing,) 463 

Jan. 24. Information given by Benjamin Buck as to what occurred at a meeting of the rioters in 

Bennington, in the beginning of the month, 464 

28. Information of Jonathan Wheate as to the temper of the Bennington people, 465 

Feb. 16. Judge Lord to Gov. Tryon acquainting him that he had experienced every assistance 

from the New Hampshire authorities in arresting the persons who had committed the 

riot at Putney, 465 

17. Order of the governors of King's College, New York, for the division and settlement of 

their township of Kingsland, 466 

List of civil officers for Gloucester county, 467 

Mar. 23. Gov. Wentworth to Gov. Tryon, requesting a patent of confirmation for B. Wentworth, 

Jr., of 5,000 acres of land in the town of Rockingham 467 

26. Minute of council setting forth that Allen, Baker, &c., have retired to the neighboring 

government ; the people will not submit, , , . 468 

April 3. Secretary Banyar to Judge Lord; his conduct approved of ; his resignation cannot be 

accepted, 468 

7. Col. Reid to Gov. Tryon, with an extract of a letter from Lord Dunmore offering to 

build a court house and any other public buildings that may be required for Charlotte 
county, should his township be selected as the county town 469 

8. Petition requesting that Socialborough be declared the county town of Charlotte county, 

and offering to pay for the erection of the public buildings, 470 



1772. List of civil officers appointed for Cumberland county, .• 471 

April 15. An account of the temper of the rioters in the eastern part of the province, 472 

May 9. Examination as to the causes of the riots at Bennington ; the inhabitants of that quar- 
ter to be invited to lay the grounds of their behaviour before the council of New 
York, 472 

19. Minute of council setting forth that the rioters had brought to Bennington two pieces of 
cannon, and a mortar from the fort at East Hoosick, with powder and ball; further 
outrages, 473 

19. Grov. Tryon to the inhabitants of Bennington, inviting them to send delegates to New 

York to explain their grievances, 473 

29. Examination of Jonathan Wheate, stating who are the rulers at Bennington, and that 

he had been obliged to abandon his home, 474 

June 3. Minute of council setting forth the continued riotous spirit prevailing among the people 

on the N. H. grants, 475 

9. Petition from the inhabitants of Guilford praying for letters patent, 476 

15. List of townships formerly granted under New Hampshire and since confirmed by New 
York ; list of townships for which confirmations have not issued, though long since 
advised to be granted ; list of townships formerly granted by New Hampshire, for 
which applications have been made for letters of confirmation to be granted whenever 
his majesty's instructions permit, 477 

25. Minute of council setting forth the application on the part of the people of Charlotte 

county &c., for protection against the Bennington rioters, 478 

July 1. Report of the committee of His Majesty's council on the letter received from the inhabi- 
tants of Bennington, and recommending that all further prosecutions against them be 
suspended until His Majesty's pleasure be known, on condition that the said inhabi- 
tants do for the future pay respect to the laws, 478 

15. Report of a public meeting held at Bennington on receipt of the aforesaid minute of 
council ; and of the public rejoicings at that place in consequence ; promising future 

obedience, 481 

Aug. 11. Gov. Tryon to the inhabitants of Bennington complaining of a breach of faith on their 

part, and a violation of their promise 482 

Sept. 8. Minute of council respecting the conduct, and giving the substance of the answer, of the 

people of Benningtan, 483 

29. Minute of council to the effect that Massachusetts and New Hampshire are preparing 
petitions to the king for the extension of the jurisdiction of the latter west of Con- 
necticut river ; the answer from Bennington declared to be insolent ; the growing evil 
cannot be suppressed without the aid of regular troops ; further application to be made 

to his majesty 483 

Oct. 7. Gov. Tryon to Lord Hillsborough, urging a termination of the controversy and that the 

New Hampshire grants be confirmed on half fees 484 

21. Minute of council setting forth renewed violences committed by Ira Allen and others on 

Onion river, and recommending a reward to be offered for their arrest, 485 

21. Jehiel Hawley to Col. Skene, notifying him that he (H.) had been appointed agent on 

behalf of the people on the grants 486 

Nov. 24. 'Squire Munro to Gov. Tryon, informing his excellency of the aiTest of a number of 
counterfeiters and their subsequent escape on their way to jail ; the country from Jersey 
to Cowas full of them ; Munro's potashery destroyed, 486 

25. Minute of council ; letter received from Col. Skene acquainting the government that 
Hawley and Brackenbridge arc about visiting England on behalf of the people of 
Bennington ; council's opinion of these several parties, 487 



1772. Dec. 3. Report of the Board of Trade to the Lords Committee of the Privy Council, with a plan 

for the settlement of the difficulties respecting the New Hampshire grants 488 

9. Lord Dartmouth to Gov. Tryon, discountenancing the interposition of any military force 

in the existing dispute relative to the grants, 494 

23. Petition of the freeholders of Cumberland county praying for the privilege of electing 

representatives to the Assembly, 495 

1773. Feb. Petition of the freeholders of Charlotte praying that Skenesboro be the county town,. . 496 

Petition to the king from the inhabitants of Gloucester and Cumberland counties pray- 
ing that the grants from New Hampshire in said counties, be confirmed by New York, 498 
20. Affidavit of Capt. Wooster setting forth his experience in endeavoring to eject intruders 
on his lands on the east banks of Lake Champlain, and the determination of the peo- 
ple there to resist his majesty's troops should they be sent to support the authority of 

New York 500 

April 10. Lord Dartmouth to Gov. Tryon communicating the propositions made by the Board of 

Trade, and approved by his majesty, 502 

28. Deposition of Philip Nichols setting forth the destruction of his fences and his own eject- 

ment from his farm at Soeialboro' by the mob, and the order of council thereupon, . . 503 
July 1. Got. Tryon to Lord Dartmouth, setting forth the objections to the report of the Board 

of Trade, and submitting his recommendations, 504 

Aug. 12. James Henderson to Mr. Mackintosh ; Col. Reid's mill and settlement on Otter 

creek destroyed by the mob, 510 

22. 'Squire Munro to Gov. Tryon ; the mob has broke loose ; all his pot and pearl ashery 

destroyed, 510 

31. Order in council that the governor request the commander of his majesty's forces to oc- 
cupy forts Ticonderoga and Crown Point with a sufficient body of troops for the pur- 
pose of aiding the civil magistrate in the execution of the laws, 511 

Sept. 1. Gen. Haldimand to Gov. Tryon, declining to furnish troops as required, unless he per- 
sist in his request ; in such case demands that the expense attendant on their transpor- 
tation be provided for, 511 

8. Minute of council in answer to Gen. Haldimand's letter ; a court of common pleas and 

general sessions established near Fort Edward for the county of Charlotte, 512 

25. Sundry affidavits detailing the outrages committed by the mob on Col. Reid's lands ; the 

destruction of his mill, crops, &c., 512 

27. Adolphus Benzel to Gov. Tryon, giving an account of a man having been unmercifully 

whipped by a party of New Hampshire rioters, 517 

29. Opinion of the council on receipt of a letter from Gen. Haldimand offering to station 

troops at Crown Point and Ticonderoga for a limited period 517 

Oct. 14. Lord Dartmouth to Gov. Tryon disapproving of his requisition on Gen. Haldimand for 

troops, 518 

1774. Feb. 2. Petition of Benj. Hough, giving details of various illegal acts committed by the Ben- 

nington rioters and asking pi-otection, (with,) 518 

1773. Dec. 6. Deposition of Benj. Spencer, Jacob Marsh, Benj. Hough, and others, as to various in- 

dignities they suffered at the hands of Ethan Allen, Remember Baker, Seth Warner, 
&c., 520 

1774. Feb. 4. Report of the committee of Grievances to the New York Assembly on the preceding 

papers, 525 

Mar. 9. Proclamation of Gov. Tryon offering a reward for the arrest of Ethan Allen, Seth War- 
ner, Remember Baker, and other rioters, 526 

Aug. 4. Affidavit setting forth that Amos Chamberlain had been cited before the judgment seat 

of the Bennington mob, 527 











1774. Sept. 1. Petition of Benj. Hough in behalf of himself and the other settlers of Durham and 

Socialboro', setting forth other violent outrages by the mob, and stating that the riot- 
ers had commenced erecting forts, &c., (with,) 529 

Sundry depositions in support of the said petition, 530 

Minute of council advising the governor to apply to Gen. Gage for a military force to 

support the civil magistracy and keep the peace in Charlotte county, 534 

Gen. Gage to Lt. Gov. Golden declining to furnish the required troops, 534 

Lieut. Gov. Golden to Lord Dartmouth v?ith an account of the events above narrated,. 535 
Petition of the freeholders of Charlotte county, praying to be allowed to elect represen- 
tatives to the New York Assembly, 536 

10. Lord Dartmouth to Lieut. Gov. Golden, expressive of the hope that things will mend,. 537 

1775. Mar. 9. Petition of Benj. Hough, with an account of a most cruel whipping and other barbarous 
treatment he received at the hands of the mob, 537 

7. Depositions in support of the statements contained in the above petition, one of which 

has the certificate of Hough's punishment signed by Ethan Allen and Seth Warner, . 539 
21. Minute of council relative to a riot attended with loss of life at Westminster, in Cum- 
berland county 544 

Sundry affidavits containing the particulars of the above occurrence, 545 

April 5. Lieut. Gov. Golden to Lord Dartmouth, communicating an account of the whipping of 

'Squire Hough, and of " a dangerous insurrection " in Cumberland county,. ....... 550 

7, Petition of Benj. Hough and Daniel Walker, praying for leave to solicit relief from the 

humane and benevolent, 551 

May 4. Petition of Sanmel Wells and others ; " Had it not been for the late unhappy difference 

in Massachusetts Bay," peace had been restored to the county of Cumberland, 552 

June 7. Lieut. Gov. Golden to Lord Dartmouth ; His Majesty's forts at Ticonderoga and Crown 
Point seized, and the garrison taken prisoners by the lawless people called the Ben- 
nington mob, - 558 

July 20. Ethan Allen to the Provincial Congress of New York [from Ticonderoga,] expressive 
of hopes of reconciliation, thanking them for their respectful treatment not only of 

Mr. Warner and himself, but of the Green Mountain boys in general, 554 

Sept. 25. Declaration of a Convention held at Dorset, 554 

1776. Memorandum of the opinions of some members of Congress respecting the establish- 
ment of a new state on the Connecticut river, 555 

Sept. 26. Mr. Clay to the sub-committee at Putney, directing that the opinions of the people of 

Cumberland county on revolting from New York be sent to the Provincial Congress, 555 

Nov. 20. Minute of a conversation which took place at Windsor, with the delegates from the west 

side of the Green Mountains, 556 

[No date.] Remonstrance against the appointment by Congress of Cols. Allen and Warner to raise 

troops independent of New York, 556 

1777. Jan. 20. Report to the New York Committ e of Safety on the appointment of Seth Warner as 
Colonel in the service of the Continental Congress, and protesting against the same,. 557 

20. Hon. A. Ten Broeck to the president of Congress, enclosing the aforesaid report, 559 

Feb. 19. Gen Bayley, of Newberry, to the President of the New York Convention ; a number 

has declared independency of the State of New York, . 560 

Mar. 1. Hon. A. Ten Broeck to the president of Congress in opposition to the pernicious project 

of those who have fomented insurrection in the State of New York, 561 

[No date.] Brief considerations on the subject of the independence of Vermont, 562 

April 11. Thomas Young to the people of the grants, recommending the constitution of Pennsyl- 
vania as a model for that of the new state, and that they send delegates to Congress, 562 



1777. April 25. Declaration by the people of Brattleboro' of their allegiance to New York, 564 

May 10. Report presented to the New York Provincial Congress on the state of the counties of 

Cumberland, Grloucester and Charlotte, 564 

28. Hon. P. Van Cortland to the president of Congress, complaining that a faction in the 
northeastern part of this state, who have declared themselves independent, are coun- 
tenanced by certain members of Congress, 566 

June 23. John Williams to Secretary McKisson; the grants declared an independent state by the 

name of New Vermount, 567 

27. Resolutions of the Council of Safety of New York on receiving the above intelligence,. 567 
30. Resolutions of the Continental Congress dismissing the application of Vermont for ad- 
mission into the confederacy, 568 

July 17. Resolution of the New York Council of safety directing the resolutions of Congress to 

be sent to the several counties in the grants, 569 

28. Certificates from Capt. James Clay that he has distributed the resolves of the Continental 

Congress, 570 

Aug. 10. Warrant from the Council of Vermont to arrest James Clay 570 

16. Report of Capt. Clay, giving an account of his arrest and detention for having acted un- 
der the State of New York, 570 

Sept. 2. Minutes of the committee of the county of Cumberland, wherein complaint is made of 
the proceedings of the " Pretended Council of the pretended State of Vermont," and 
authorising Capt. Clay to be their delegate to New York, 571 

4. John Sessions to Secretary McKisson on the aspect of affairs on the Connecticut River, 572 

1778. Feb. 3. Proclamation of Gov. Clinton offering certain terms to the people of the grants for the 

settlement of the said disputed lands in peaceable subjection to the authority of the 

state of New York, 573 

Oct. 17. Petition of Col. Spencer and other inhabitants of Durham to the legislatui-e of New York, 
complaining of ill treatment received from the pretended state of Vermont and de- 
manding protection, 575 

1779. May 4. Petition from Cumberland to the same, demanding aid 576 

5. Col. Paterson to Gov. Clinton, informing him that the Green Mountain boys are expec- 

ted on Connecticut river to reduce the townships there under Vermont, 578 

14. Gov. Clinton to Samuel Minot Esq., communicating his views as to the course the friends. 

of New York in Vermont should pursue at the present conjuncture, 579 

18. Gov. Clinton to John Jay, president of Congress, with copies of preceding papers to be 

laid before congress ; New York cannot much longer continue a silent spectator of the 

violences committed on her citizens, 580 

25. Samuel Minot Esq., to Gov. Clinton, giving an account of the visit of Ethan Allen and 

his Green Mountain boys to Brattleborough, and his conduct whilst there, 581 

29. Gov. Clinton to president Jay, enclosing Mr. Minot's letter, 581 

29. Gov. Clinton to the New York delegation in Congress ; intends to send an armed force to 

repair the outrage committed at Brattleborough 582 

June 1. President Jay to Gov. Clinton ; Congress intends to send a committee to the grants to 
inquire why the inhabitants refuse to continue citizens of the states which formerly ex- 
ercised jurisdiction over them, 582 

1. New York Delegation in Congress to Gov. Clinton on the same subject, and discoun- 
tenancing all idea of shedding blood 583 

3. I'resident Jay to Gov. Clinton, transmitting to him the names of the committees recent- 
ly appointed by Congress, 583 

7. Gov. Clinton to Samuel Minot in answer to his of the 25th May ; is obliged to take the 

field against the common enemy, recommends firmness and prudence, &84 



1779. June 7. Gov. Clinton to the President of Congress, complaining of the late conduct of Ethan Allen, 

a colonel in the continental service, and of certain resolutions of Congress ; " The 

measure of the sufferings of this State is nearly full," 584 

7. Gov. Clinton to the New York delegation in Congress on the same subject, 586 

7. Gov. Clinton to Gen. Washington ; will soon be called on to vindicate the authority of 

the State ; applies for the restoration of the six pounders loaned to Congress in 1776, 586 

16. Resolves of Congress recommending the immediate release of the persons taken prisoners 

by Ethan Allen at Brattleborough, &c 587 

23. The committee of Congress to Samuel Minot Esq., recommending him and the other 
friends of New York to raise their quotas for the defence of the frontiei's (and en- 
closing,) 588 

23. Letter of Gov. Chittenden recommeudiog the suspension of all prosecutions against those 

who acknowledge themselves subjects of the state of New York, 588 

24. Gov. Chittenden's answers to the queries of the committee of Congress, 589 

July 23. Petition to Congress of the several towns composing Cumberland county, complaining 

of various oppressions experienced from the Vermont faction ; declaring their allegi- 
ance to New York, and praying that the New Hampshire grants return to their alle- 
giance, 590 

Aug. 27. Instructions to the New York delegates in Congress relative to the disorders prevailing 

in the northeastern parts of the state of New York, 594 

Sept. 24. Resolutions of Congress recommending the states of New Hampshire, Massachusetts and 
New York to empower Congress to hear and determine all differences between them 

respecting boundaries, &c., 596 

21. Charles Phelps to the legislature of New York ; state of opinion in Congress, 598 

Oct. 2. Message of Gov. Clinton to the legislature of New Yoi-k, with the act of Congress for 

settling the disturbances in the northeastern district of the state, 600 

1780. Feb. Charles Phelps to Gov. Clinton recapitulating his services as agent at Philadelphia, and 

applying for further remuneration, 601 

June 12. Petition of Micah Townsend and others of Cumberland county, for compensation for 

loss of property &c., on account of their fidelity to New York 602 

1781 . Articles of union agreed to at Cambridge, N. Y., 603 

1782. Feb. 24. Judge Yates to Gov. Clinton advising him of the arrest of sundry persons adherents to 

the state of Vermont ; with list of the persons in custody and the charges against 

them, 604 

Mar. 1. Petition of the people of Cambridge regretting the deception they have been subject to, 

praying pardon and to be allowed to return to their allegiance under New York, 605 

4. Submission of the people of Granville, 606 

5. Submission of the people of White Creek to New York, 607 

May 6. Gov. Clinton to the Committee of Cumberland county assuring them that every atten- 
tion will be paid to their wishes, 607 

Sept. 15. Gov. Clinton to Joel Bigelow, Esq., on the subject of recent aggressions committed by 
the opponents to the state of New York ou the grants, and. recommending abstinence 

from all violence unless in cases of self defence, 608 

27. Gov. Clinton to the committees of Cumberland county with an account of the progress 

of their affairs in Congress 609 

1786. Feb. 26. Petition of Col. Church and other inhabitants of Cumberland county to the legislature 
of New York praying for compensation for their past losses and sufferings under Ver- 
mont 609 



1786. Feb. 28. List of civil and military officers in Cumberland county commissioned by New York, 
who have been either imprisoned, banished, or had their eflFects taken from them by 

authority of Vermont, with the estimated amount of their losses, 610 

Mar. 1. Concurrent resolutions of the New York legislature authorising the laying out of a town- 
ship, eight miles square, for Col. Church and his fellow sufferers from Vermont, 611 

List of sufferers in opposing the government of the pretended state of Vermont, with 

the proportion of land adjudged to each, 612 

Dec. 12. Petition of Col. Patterson and others to the legislature of the state of New York pray- 
ing for a grant of land in compensation for their losses under Vermont, 614 

1797. Feb. 3. Extract from the petition of Theophelack Bache and others, explaining the mode in 

which the Vermont controversy wjth New York was terminated 615 

1799. April 23. Names of the claimants who are entitled to compensation for losses under Vermont, with 
the sums allowed them by the New York commissioners, and the division of the thirty 

thousand dollars paid by Vermont, 616 

List of authorities which may be consulted on the preceding difficulties 617 

Petition of Sam'l Kobinson and others to the king, dated November, 1766, 619 

Organization of the Court of Glocester county. May, 1770, 622 

Census of the several towns in Cumberland county, 1771, 623 

XV. MEMOIR OF JAMES DELANCEY, Lieut. Gov. of the Prov. of New York 625 


First Church in New Netherland. 
Christmas on the Mohawk River ; 1769. 
First Episcopal Church in Poughkeepsie. 
First Mail west of Albany. 
First Weekly Mail to Albany. 
Library of Sir Henry Moody, Bart. 
New York Libraries destroyed by the British. 
General Frazer. 
XVI. MEMOIR OF HON. JAMES DUANE ; Judge of the U. S. District Court of New York,. . . 641 

Clergy of the City of New York in 1796, 657 

Father White's Indian Grammar A Relic, 657 

XVIII. MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE IROQUOIS ; By Rev. Charles Inglis, of Trinity Church, 

N. Y., 659 

Vol. IV. C 


I. Papers relating to the Iroquois and other Indian Tribes. 
II. Papers relating to the First Settlement at Onondaga, and the Discovery of the Salt Springs at Salina. 

III. Papers relating to De Courcelles' and De Tracy's Expeditions against the Mohawk Indians, 1665-6. 

IV. Reports on the Province of New York, 1669-1678. 

V. Papers relating to M. De La Barre's Expedition to Hungry Bay. 
VI. Governor Dongan's Report on the State of the Province, 1687. 

VII. Papers relating to Denonville's Expedition to the Genesee Country and Niagara, 1687. 
VIII. Names of the Male Inhabitants of Ulster Co., 1689. 
IX. Papers relating to the Invasion of New York and the Burning of Schenectady by the French, 1690. 

X. Civil List of the Province of New York, 1693. 
XI. Papers relating to Frontenac's Expedition against the Onondagoes, 1696. 
XII. New York, Army List, 1700. 

XIII. Census of the Counties of Orange, Dutchess and Albany, 1702, 1714, 1720. 

XIV. Cadwallader Colden on the Lands of New York, 1732. 
XV. Papers relating to the Susquehannah River, 1683-1757. 

XVI. Papers relating to Ogdensburgh, 1749. 
XVII. Papers relating to Oswego. 

XVIII. Papers relating to the Oneida Country and Mohawk Valley, 1756, 1757. 
XIX. Papers relating to French Seigniories on Lake Champlain. 
XX. Boundary Line between the Whites and the Indians, 1765. 
XXI. Papers relating to the city of New York. 
XXII. Papers relating to Long Island. 

XXIII. Stati^ics of Population, 1647-1774. 

XXIV. Statistics of revenue. Imports, Exports, etc., 1691-1768. 
XXV. Papers relating to Trade and Manufactures, 1705-1757. 

XXVI. Report of Gov. Tryon on the State of the Province, 1774. 


I. Papers relating to Lt. Gov. Liesler's Administration. 
II. Early Rate Lists of Long Island. 

III. Manuscripts of Sir Wm. Johnson. 

IV. Early Steam Navigation. 

V. Papers relating to Western New York. 


I. Champlain's Expeditions to Northern and Western New York, 1609, 1615. 
II. Papers relating to the First Settlement of New York by the Dutch. 

III. Papers relating to the Restoration of New York to the English ; and to the charges against Captain 

Manning for its Previous Surrender to the Dutch, 1674, 1675. 

IV. Papers relating to the State of Religion in the Province, 1657 — 1712. 
V. Papers relating to Kings County, L. I. 

VI. Papers relating to the Churches in Queens Cownty. 
VII. Papers relating to Suffolk County. 
VIII. Papers relating to the City of New York. 
IX. Papers relating to the Palatines. 

X. Papers relating to the Manor of Livingston, including the Fiiat Settlement of Schoharie, 1680 — 
XI. Census of Slaves, 1755. 
XII. Papers relating to Albany and Adjacent Places. 
Kill- Papers relating to Westohester County. 
XIV. Papers relating to Ulster and Dutchess Counties. 

XV. Papers relating to Quakers and Moravians. 
XVI. Rev. Gideon Hawley's Journey to Oghquaga, Broome County, 1753. 
XVII. State of the Anglo-American Church, in 1776. 
XVIII. Prices of Land in the State of New- York, 1791. 
XIX. Report of a Committee appointed to Explore the Western Waters in the State of New York, 1792. 
XX. Journal of Rev. John Taylor's Missionary Tour through the Mohawk and Black Kiver Countries, 

in 1802. 
XXI. Rectors of St. Peter's Church, Albany. 
XXII. Appendix. 

XXIII. Medals and Coins. 

XXIV. Miscellany. 


Portraits of Gov. Clinton and Lady, {From Plates loaned by Pierre Van Cortlandt, Msq.) To face title. 

Great Seals of the Province from 1623 to the Revolution, *1 

I. Seal of New Netherland. 1623. 
II. Seal of the Duke of York. 1684. 
IV. Seal of William and Mary. 1691. 
V. First Seal of Queen Anne. 1705. 
Second Seal of Queen Anne. 1710. 
VI. Seal of George I. 1718. 
VII. Seal of George II. 
VIII. Seal of George III. 1767. 

View of the city of New Amsterdam, (now New York,) 76 

Wild Animals of New Netherland, 77 

View of the Battle of Lake George, 1755, - 169 

Portrait of Bev. John Ogilvie, D. D., formerly of St. Peter's Church, Albany, and afterwards of Trinity 

Church, N. Y. {From Plate loaned by the Vestry of Trinity Ch.) 195 

Topographical Map of the Country around Fort Stanwix, 1758, - 325 

Plan of Fort Stanwix, 175S, 326 

Chorographical Map of the Northern part of the Province of New York ; illustrating the controversy be- 
tween that State and New Hampshire, 330 

Portraits of the Governor, Lieut. Gov. of the State, and Speaker of the Assembly, of N. Y., in 1798, • 615 

Portraits of the Senators of the State of New York in 1798, 616 

" " Members of the House of Assembly in 1798, 616 

Map of the Country of the VI Nations Proper. 1771, 660 

Plan of the Village of Buffalo and New Amsterdam, - - 


No. I. 

Seal of New Netherland. 

This is the first public seal of the Province, and is thus described ; Argent, a Beaver, proper; 
Crest J a Coronet; Legend, Sigillvm. Novi. Belgii. In a paper by Van der Donck entitled, "Fur- 
ther observations on the Petition of the Commonalty of New Netherland," it is stated, that New 
Netherland was called a Province, because it was invested by their High Mightinesses with the 
arms of an Earl.' The engraving is copied from an impression of the seal in the office of the 
Secretary of State. ^ It was in use until 1664, and afterwards, we presume, under Gov. Colve in 
1673, 4. 

Seal of the Duke of York. 

This is a copy of the Royal arms of the House of Stuart which Burke thus describes — Quar- 
terly, first and fourth, France and England quarterly; second, or, a lion rampant, within a double 
tressure, flory counter flory, gu. Scotland; third, az. a harp, or, stringed, ar. Ireland.^ Motto, 
"HoNi. soiT. QUI. MAL. Y PENSE." Legend, SiGiLL. Provine Novi. Eborac. Crest, a, Coronet com- 
posed of crosses and fleur de lis, with one arch ; which, Burke adds, the Duke of York was 
directed to use, by a Royal Warrant dated 9th Feb. 1662. There are several impressions of this 
seal in the first Vol. of Land Papers, in the Sec'y's office. They are incumbent, but those to the 
Patent of Renselaerwyck (1685,) and to the charter of the city of Albany (1686,) are pendant. 
The earliest impression in the Sec'y's office is to a patent dated 20th August, 1670, and from the 
fact that the patents issued by Governor Nicolls are sealed only with his signet, it is inferred that 
the Great Seal now reproduced was received in October, 1669, at the same time as the seal pre- 
sented by Gov. Lovelace to the city of New York," 


Seal of James II. 

We have not been able to find an impression of this seal, the Warrant for which bears date 14th 
August, 1687. It is described therein as having "on the one side our Royal effigies on Horseback 
in Arms over a Landskip of Land and Sea, with a Rising Sun, and a Scrole containing this motto, 
Aliusq: et Idem. And our Titles round the circumference of the said Seal; There being also 
engraven on the other side Our Royal Arms with the Garter, Crown, Supporters and Motto, with 
this Inscription round ye Circumference Sigillum Provinci^ Nostr^e Novi Eboraci etc., in 
America."' Despatches of the above date were received in New York on the 21st November 
following." In the year 1688, Sir E. Andros was commissioned governor of all the Coloniesfrom 
Maine to New Jersey, inclusive. By his instructions the provincial Seal of New York, authorized 
the preceding year, was ordered to be broken and defaced, and " the Seal appointed for the said 

1 Hoi. Doc. rV. 39. 2 Land Papers, T. 3 Burke's Encyo. of Heraldry, Boytd Aimoiy. 

4 Valentine's Manual of the Com. Counc. of N. Y. for 1849. 343. 
6 Lend. Doc. V. 139. 6 Coonc. Min. V. 213. 


Colony of New England " was directed to be thenceforth made use of " for all that our Territory 
and Dominion in its largest extent and boundaries aforementioned." » 


Seal of King William and Queen Mary. 

In 168^, a revolution broke out in New York, and the government of James II. was deposed. 
In December of that year Jacob Leisler assumed the title of Lieutenant Governor of the Province, 
and " adventured to make a new Seale for the province, altering the Duke of York's Coronet, and 
placing the Crowne of England in its stead." ^ 

A new official Seal was, however, brought over by Gov. Sloughter, the warrant for which beajrs 
date 31st May, 1690.' It served as the model for all the Great Seals of New York subsequently 
received from England, and has, on one side, as will be seen by the engraving, the effigies of the 
King and Queen, and two Indians kneeling offering as presents — the one, a roll of Wampum, the 
other a Beaver skin. Ai-ound the circumference are their Majesties titles — Gvlielmvs III. et 
Maria. II. Dei. Gra. Mag. Brit. Fran. Hib. Rex et Regina. Fid. Def. On the reverse are the 
Royal Arms with the Garter, Crown, Supporters and Motto, and this inscription — Sigillvm 
Proving. Nostr. Nov. Ebor. etc. in America. These arms are, it will be remembered, the same 
as those on the Stuart seal, with the addition, however, of an escutcheon of pretence, containing 
a Lion rampant, for the arms of Nassau, of which house King William was a member. It has 
some other peculiarities worthy of attention. Much importance has b,een attached to this seal 
from the fact that it was affixed to several patents in this country after the King's death. But the 
objections made to the validity of those patents, on that account, must disappear when the fact 
is understood, that this seal was not superseded until Sept., 1705 — three years and a half after 
the King's demise. The engraving is from the Seal attached to the original Charter of Trinity 
Church, N. Y.,1697, in the State Lib., and to the Commission of Johannis Abeel, Mayor of Albanj, 
1694, in the Albany Institute. 


Seal of Queen Anne. 
There were two Great Seals for the Province in this reign. 

1. The first, the warrant for which bears date the 3d May, 1705,* was brought out by Col. Nott, 
of Virginia,* and was received on 6th of September following when that of William and Mary 
was defaced,' and sent back to England broken.' On the one side are the Queen's effigy and the 
Indians offering their tokens of submission, as before, with Royal titles Anna. Dei. Gra. Mag. 
Brit. Fran. et. Hib. Regina. Fid. Defen. On the reverse, the Stuart arms as already described, 
(see II.) — the escutcheon of Nassau having been removed on the death of the King — with Crown, 
Garter, Supporters and Motto, and this Inscription, Sigillvm. Provinci^. NosTRiE. Novi. Eboraci. 
IN. America. Motto — Semper Eadem. The Engraving is copied from the Seal in the State 
Library to a Patent of Anne Bridges and others for a tract in Westchester Co., dated 25th Sept., 

2. The Union between England and Scotland, in 1706, rendering a new Seal requisite, a second 
one was ordered on 29th October, 1709, and received on the arrival of Gov. Hunter, 14th June, 

1 Lond. Doe. VI. 135. Documents relating to the Col. Hist, of N. York. III. 546. 

2 London Deo. VH. 10. Doc. Telating to Col. Hist, of N. Y. III. 656. 

3 Book of Commissioners, Secy's Off. II. 16. 4 Lond. Doc. XVI. 183. i Tbid XVI. 275. 
6 Couno. Min. IX. 563. 7 Lond. Doc. XVI. 811. 


1710, when that of 1705 was broken. • The Queen's effigy, the Indians with the Royal titles, are 
the same as on the first seal ; on the reverse, the Royal arms, now changed in consequence of the 
Union ; on the first and fourth quarters, England impales Scotland ; on the second are the lilies 
of France; on the third the Harp for Ireland, and the former Motto, Semper Eadem. Around 
the circumference is the inscription Sigillvm. PRoviNciiE. Nostra. Eboraci. in. America. This 
seal was not superseded until July 1718, four years after the Queen's death. 


Seal of George I. 
This seal was ordered 8th Octob. 1717, and received "by Hopkins" on 1st July, 1718, when 
that of Queen Anne was broken, ^ and returned to the Board of Trade. => On the one side are, the 
eflSgy of his Majesty, two Indians offering presents; and around the circumference the royal titles 
— Georgivs. D. G. Mag. Brit. Fran. et. Hie. Rex. Brvn. et. Lvn. Dvx. Sa. Ro. Im. Arc. Thes. 
et. Prin. Elec. On the reverse, the royal arms. Garter, Crown, Supporters and Motto, and this 
inscription, Sigillvm. Provinci^. Nostb^. Novi. Eboraci. in. America. The "Semper Eadem" 
of the last seal is replaced by Dieu et Mon Droit ; and on the escutcheon we have, first, the arms 
of England empaling those of Scotland ; second France ; third Ireland ; fourth gu. two lions 
passant guard, in pale or, for Brunswick ; impaling, or, sem^e of hearts gu. a lion ramp. az. for 
Lunenburgh, on a point in gu. a horse courant ar. for Saxony ; on the centre of the fourth quarter 
an escutcheon gu. charged with the Crown of Charlemagne, or, as Arch-treasurer of the Holy 
Roman Empire.* 


Seal of George II. 
This seal is a finer specimen of the arts than the last, and exhibits a progressive change in the 
dress and di-apery of the principal figure. The kneeling Squaw is introduced here for the first 
time nude, and great care is bestowed in delineating the skin she offers, in which we can almost 
trace the perfect outline of the animal to which it belonged. There is another improvement 
worthy of remark — the inscriptions on this and the next seal are on the sides opposite to those 
they heretofore occupied. The words "Sigillvm.Prvincl.s:. Nostra. Novi. Eboraci. in America," 
are appropriately on the side representing American gifts; whilst the Royal titles — " Georgius. 
II. D. G. Mag. Bri. Fr. et. Hib. Rex. F. D. Brun. et. Lun. Dux. S. R. I. Arc Th. et. Pr. El." 
surround the Royal arms on the reverse side. These arms are the same as those last described, 
but their design and finish are immensely superior. This engraving, also, is from an impression 
in the State Library. 


Seal of George III. 

The warrant for this seal bears date 9th July, 1767; it was received on the following 3d Octo- 
ber* (seven years after the death of Geo. II.,) and the preceding seal was returned to the 
Colonial office. The principal side, where the Indians are offering their gifts to the King, is sur- 
rounded by the inscription "Sigillum. Provincije. Nostbje. Novi. Eboraci. in America;" on the 
reverse are the Royal arms (as last described,) with the royal titles — Georgius III. D. G. 
Ma6. Bri. Fr. it. Hib. Rex. F. D. Brun. et. Lun. Dux. S. R. I. Ar. Thes. et El. This was the 
Great Seal of the Province of New York down to the Revolution. 

1 Coono. Min. X. 519. 2 Ibid. XI. 495, 497, 498. 3 Lond. Doo. XXI. 44. 

4 Bnrke's Encyclop. of Heraldry. 5 Coonc. Min. XXVI. 105. 

10 2 3 TO 1©04'. 


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■Written in the years 1641, 1642, 1648, 1644, 1645 and 1646 

Vol. rV. 

•,• The following is a translation of a fragment of a Dutch MS. found in the Royal Lfbrarv at the Hague, and copied into 
the 3d vol. of the Holland Documents, in the Secretary of State's oflSce, Albany. 


Brief Description of JVew JYetherland. 

New Netherland (so called because it was first frequented and peopled by free Netherlanders) is 
a province in the most northern part of America lying between N. England (which bounds them on 
the N. E. side) and Virginia lying to the S. W. The Ocean is confined along its whole length by a 
clean sandy coast, very similar to that of Flanders or Holland, having except the rivers few bays or 
Harbors for ships, the air is very temperate, inclining to dryness, healthy, little subject to sickness. 
The four seasons of the year are about as in France, or the Netherlands the difference is, the Spring 
is shorter because it begins later, the Summer is warmer because it comes on more suddenly, tlie 
Harvest is long and very pleasant, the Winter cold and liable to much snow ; two winds ordinarily 
prevail : the N. W. in Winter and the S. W. in Summer ; the other winds are not common ; the N. W. 
corresponds with our N. E. because it blows across the country from the cold point as our N. E. does. 
The S. W. is dry and hot like our S. E. because it comes from the Warm countries ; the N. E. is cold 
and wet like our S. W. for similar reasons. The character of the country is very like that of France ; 
the land is reasonably hilly and level. To wit, broken along the coast by small Rocky hills unfit for 
agricultui-e ; farther in the interior are pretty high Mountains (generally exhibiting great appearance 
of minerals) between which flow a great number of Small Rivers, in some places there are even 
some Lofty ones of Extraordinary Height, but not many ; its fertility falls behind no province in 
Europe in excellence as in cleanness of fruits and seeds. There are three principal rivers, to wit : 
the Fresh, 'the Mauritius 2 and the South ^ River all three reasonably wide and deep, adapted for the 
navigation of large ships twenty five miles up" and of common barks even to the falls, from the 
river Mauritius off" to beyond the Fresh river stretches a Canal that forms an Island, forty miles 
long, called Long Island, which is the ordinary passage from N. England to Virginia having on 
both sides many harbours to anchor in so that people make no difficulty about navigating it in 
winter. The Country is generally covered with trees, except a few valleys and some large Flats of 
Seven or Eight miles and less ; the trees are as in Europe — viz. Oak, Hickory, Chestnut, Vines. 
The animals are also of the same species as ours, except Lions and some otlier strange beasts, many 
Bears, abundance of Wolves which harm nobody but the small cattle, Elks and Deer in abundance, 
Foxes, Beavers, Otters, Minx and such like. The birds, which are natural to the Country are 
Turkeys like ours, Swans, Geese of three sorts. Ducks, Teals, Cranes, Herons, Bitterns, two sorts 
of Heath fowls or Pheasants. The River fish is like that of Europe, viz. Carp, Sturgeon, Salmon, 
Pike, Perch, Roach, Eel, &c — In the Salt waters are found Codfish, Shellfish, Herring and so forth, 
also abundance of oysters and muscles. » 

The Indians are of ordinary stature, Strong and broad shouldered ; olive color, light and 
nimble of foot, subtle in disposition, of few words which they previously well consider, hypocritical, 
treacherous, vindictive ; brave and obstinate in self defence, in time of need right resolute to die. 
They seem to despise all the torments that can be inflicted on them without once uttering a sigh — 

1 Connecticut. 2 Hudson. 3 Delaware. 1 Dutch miles, one of which is equal to three English: 


go almost naked except a lap which hangs before tlieir nakedness, and on the shoulders a deer skin 
or a mantle, a fathom square of woven Turkies feathers or peltries sewed together, thej' make use 
now greatly of Duifels, Cloths Blue or Red, in consequence of the frequent visits of the Christians. 
In winter they make shoes of Deer Skins, manufactured after their fashion. Except tlieir cliiefs, 
they have generally but one wife whom they frequently change according to caprice ; she must do 
all the work, as well corn planting as wood cutting and whatever else is to be done. They are 
divided into various nations. They differ even in Language, which would be altogether too long to 
be narrated in this short space. They dwell together mostly from friendship, in tribes over which 
commands a cliief who is General and is generally called Sackema possessing not miich authority and 
little advantage, Unless in their dances and other ceremonies. They have hardly any knowledge of 
God, no Divine Worship, no Law, no Justice, the Strongest does what he pleases and the Youtlis are 
master. Their weapons are the Bow and Arrow, in the use of which they are Wonderful adepts. 
They live by Hunting and Fishing in addition to maize which the Women Plant. 

By Whom and How JVew JVetherland was peopled. 
The subjects of the Lords States General had frequented this Country a long time ago solely for 
the purpose of the fur trade. Since the j'ear 1623 the Incorporated West India Company caused 
four Forts to be erected in tliat Country — Two on the River Mauritius and one on each of the 
other [rivers] ; the biggest stands on the Point f u-ined by the Mauritius river and the other mentioned 
heretofore ; their Honors named it New Amsterdam ; and six and thirty miles upwards anotlier 
called Orange that on the South river is Nassaw and that on Fresh River, tlie Good Hope, the 
Company hath since continually maintained garrisons tliere ; In the beginning their Honors had 
sent a certain number of Settlers thither, and at great expense had three Sawmills erected, which 
never realised any Profit of consequence, on account of their great charge, and a great deal of 
money was expended for the advancement of tlie country, but it never began to be settled until 
every one had Hberty to trade with the Indians, inasmuch as up to this time no one calculated to 
remain there longer than the expiration of his bounden time, and therefore did not apply themselves 
to Agriculture. Yea, even the Colonic of Renselaerwyck was of little consequence but as soon as it 
[the trade] was opened, many Servants, who had prospered under the Conipanj-, applied for their 
discharge, built houses and formed plantations, spread themselves broad and wide, Each seeking 
the best land, and to be nearest tlie Indians in order thus to trade with them advantageously, others 
bought Barks with which to trade goods at the North and at the Soutli, and as the Lords Directors 
gave free passage from Holland thither, tliat also caused many to come : On the otlier hand, tlie 
English came both from Virginia and N. England. Firstly, divers Servants, whose time with their 
masters liad expired, on account of the good opportunity to plant Tobacco liere — aftejwards Families 
and finally entire Colonies, forced to quit tliat })]ace both to enjoy freedom of conscience and to escape 
from the Insupportable Government of N England and because many more commodities were easier 
to be obtained here than there, so that in place of Seven Bouweries and Two @ three plantations 
which were liere, men saw thirty Bouweries, as well cultivated and stocked as in Europe. A 
Hundred Plantations which in Two or three [years] would become regular Bouweries. For after 
the Tobacco was out the ground. Corn Was planted there with Ploughing. In the winter men Avere 
busy preparing new lands. Five English Colonies which by Contract had [settled] under us on 
equal terms as the others. Each of these was in appearance not less than "a hundred families strong, 
exclusive of the Colonie of Rensselaers Wyck which is prospering, witli that of Myndert Meyndertsz 
and Cornelis Molyn, who began first, Also, the Village ( Vleck) N. Amsterdam around the fort, a 


Hundred families, so that there was appearance of producing supplies in a year for Fourteen, 
thousand Souls, without straitning the Country, and were there no want of laborers or Farm servants 
twice as much could be raised, considering that Miy lasts of Rye and fifty lasts of Peas still remained 
over around the fort after a large quantity had been burnt and destroyed by the Indians, Who in 
a short time quickly brought this Country to nought and had well nigh destroyed this good hope, 
In manner following — 

The Cause of the JVew JVetherland War and the Sequel thereof. 

We have already stated that the cause of the population of N. Nctherland was the Liberty to 
trade with the Indians. We sliall now prove that it also is the cause of its ruin, producing two 
contrary effects, and that not without reason as shall appear from the following. 

This Liberty then which in every respect was most gratefully received, of which use should have 
been made as of a precious gift, was very soon perverted to a great abuse. For Every one thought 
that now the time had come to make his fortune, withdrew himself from his Comrade, as if deeming 
him suspected and the Enemy of his Desire, Sought commuuicatiun with the Indians from whom it 
appeared his profit was to be derived. That created first a division of power of dangerous 
consequence, in opposition to their Mightinesses' Motto* — produced altogether too much familiarity 
with the Indians which in a short time brought forth contempt, usually the Father of Hate — not 
being satisfied with merely taking them into their houses in the customary manner, but attracting 
them by Extraordinarj' attention, such as admitting tliem to the table, laying napkins before tliem, 
presenting Wine to them and more of that kind of thing, which they did not receive like Esop's man, 
but as their due and desert, insomuch that they were not content but began to hate when such 
civilities were not shewn them. To this familiarity and freedom succeeded another Evil. As the 
Cattle usually roamed through the Woods \Mithout a Herdsman, they frequently came into the Corn 
of the Indians which was unfenced on all sides, committing great damage there ; this led to frequent 
complaints on their part and finally to revenge on the Cattle without sparing even the horses, which 
were valuable in this Country. Moreover many of our's took the Indians into service, making use in 
their houses of those in their employ. Thus laying before them our entire circumstances, and 
sometimes becoming weary of their work, they took leg-bail and stole much more tlian the amount 
of their wages. This freedom caused still greater mischief, for the inhabitants of Rensselaer wyck 
who were as many traders as persons. Perceiving that the Mohawks were craving for guns, which 
some of them had already received from the English, paying for each as many as Twenty Beavers 
and for a pound of powder as much as Ten to Twelve guilders, they came down in greater numbers 
than was their wont where people were well supplied with Guns, purchasing these at a fair price, 
thus realiziri^ considerable pi-ofit ; afterwards they obtained some from tlieir Heer Patroon for their 
self defence in time of need, as we suppose. This extraordinary gain was not kept long a secret, 
the traders coming from Holland soon got scent of it, and from time to time brought over great 
quantities, so that the Mohawks in a short time were seen with firelocks powder and lead in 
proportion. Four Hundred armed men knew* how to use their advantage, especially against their 
enemies, dwelling along the river of Canada, against whom they have now achieved many profitable 
forays where before they derived little advantage ; this causes them also to be respected by the 
surrounding Indians even as far as the Sea Coast, who must generally pay them tril)ute, whereas, on 
the contrary, they were formerly obliged to contribute to these, on tliis account the Indians 

1 " Eeudraclit maakt iriacht'' — Union constitutes Strength. 


endeavored no less to procure Guns, and through the familiarity which existed between them and 
our people, they began to Solicit them for Guns and powder, but as such was forbidden on pain of 
Deatli and it could not remain secret in consequence of the general conversation, they could not 
obtain them. This added to the previous contempt greatly augmented the hatred which stimulated 
them to conspire against us, beginning first by insults which they every where indiscreetly uttered 
railing at us as Materiotty (that is to say) Men of Blood — that we might indeed, be something 
on water, but of no accoimt on land, and that we had neither a great Sachem nor Chiefs. 

[Here two pages are wanting.^ 
he of Witqueschreek living N. E. of the Island Manhatans,' perpetrated another murderous deed 
in the house of an old man^ a wheelwriglit, with whom he-was acquainted (having been in his soil's 
service) being well received and supplied with food, pretending a desire to buy something and 
whilst the old man was taking from the Chest the Cloth the Indian wanted the latter took up an 
ax and cut his head oiT, further plundering the house and ran away. This outrage obliged the 
Director to demand Satisfaction from the Sachem who refused it, saying, that he was sorry that 
twenty Christians had not been murdered* and tliat this Indian had only avenged the death of his 
Uncle who had been slain over one and twenty years by the Dutch. Whereupon all the Commonalty 
were called together by the Director to consider this aftair, who all appeared and presently twelve 
men delegated from among themf answered the propositions, and resolved at once on war sliould 
the murderer be refused ; that the attack should be made on them in the harvest wlien tliey 
were hunting ; meanwhile an eflfbrt should be again made by kindness to obtain justice, which 
was accordingly several times sought for but in vain. 

The time being come many obstacles arose and operations were postponed until the year 1642, 
when it was resolved to avenge tlae perpetrated outrage. Thereupon spies looked up the Indians 
who lay in their Village suspecting nothing, and eighty men were detailed under tlie command of 
Ensign Hendrick Van Dyck and sent thither. The guide being come with the troops in the neighbor- 
hood of the Indian Wigwams lost his way in consequence of tlie darkness of the night. The Ensign 
became impatient, and turned back without having accomplished any thing. The journey, liowever 
was not without effect, for the Indians who remarked by the trail made by our people in marching 
that they had narrowly escaped discovery, sought for peace which was granted them on condition 
that tliey should either deliver up the murderer or inflict justice themselves ; this they promised 
but without any result. 

Some weeks after this Miantenimo, principal Sachem of Sloops bay' came here with one hundred 
men, passing tlirough all the Indian Villages| soliciting them to a general War against both the 
English and the Dutch,^ whereupon some of the neighbouring Indians attempted to set our powder 
on fire and to poison the Director or to inchant him by their devihy, as their ill will was afterwards 
made manifest as well in fact as by report. Those of Hackingsack, otherwise called Achter Col, had, 
with their neighbours killed an Englishman, a servant of one David Pietersen, and a few days 
after shot dead in an equally treacherous manner a Dutchman, who sat roofing a house in the Colonic 
of Meyndert Meyndertz|l having settled there against the advice of the Director and vrill of the Indians, 

I In Westchester county — Tr. 2 Named Claes Cornells Swits. 

• Nole A. Capt. Patricx letter 21. August 1G41. V 

t Note B. Their answer and resolution dated the 29th August, 1641. 

3 Narragansetts. 

t Note C. The English Manifest, Page 2. 

§ Note D. Capt. Patricx letter dated 2 Jan'y, 1642. 

II Note E. The order in the Director's letter and in the deposition thereupon. 


and by the continual damage which their cattle committed caused no little dissatisfaction to tlie 
Indians, and contributed greatly to the War. The Commonalty began then to be alarmed, and not 
without reason, having the Indians daily in their houses. The murderers were frequently demanded, 
either living or dead, even with a promise of reward ; they always returned a scoffing answer 
laughing at us. Finally, the Commonalty seriously distrusting the Director, suspecting him of 
conniving with the Indians, and that an attempt was making to sell Christian blood ;* yea, that the 
will of the entire Commonalty was surrendered to him, and in as much as he would not avenge 
blood they should do it, be the consequences what they may. The Director advised Pacham tlie 
Sachem, who interested himself in this matter, warning him that we should wait no longer inasmuch 
as no satisfaction had been given. 

Meanwhile God wreaked vengeance on those of Witquescheck without our knowledge through 
the Mahicanders dwelling below Fort Orange, who slew seventeen of them, and made prisoners of 
many Women and Children, the remainder fled through a deep snow to the Christians' houses 
on and around the Island Manhatens. They were most humanely received being half dead of cold 
and hunger ; they supported them for fourteen days, even some of the Director's corn was sent to 
them. A short time after, another panic seized the Indians which caused them to fly to divers 
places in the vicinity of the Dutch. This opportunity to avenge innocent blood, induced some of 
the twelve men to represent to the Director that it was now time, whereupon they received for 
answer that they should put their request in writing which was done by three in the name of them 
all,t by a petition to be allowed to attack those of Hackingsack in two divisions — on the Manhatens 
and on Pavonia. This was granted after a protracted discussion too long to be reported here, so 
that the Design was executed that same night, the Burghers slew those who lay a small mile from 
the fort, ' and the soldiers those at Pavonia, at which two places about Eighty Indians were killed 
and thirty taken prisoners. Next morning before the return of the troops a man and a woman 
were shot at Pavonia who had come through curiosity either to look at, or plunder, the dead ; 
the soldiers had rescued a young child which the woman had in her arms. 

The Christians residing on Long Island also requested by petition^ to be allowed to attack and 
slay the Indians thereabout; which was refused, as these especially had done us no harm, and 
shewed us every friendship — (Yea, had even voluntarily Killed some of the Raritans, onr enemies, 
hereinbefore mentioned) Yet, notwithstanding^ some Christians attempted secretly with two waggons 
to steal maize from these Indians which they perceiving endeavored to prevent, thereupon three 
Indians were shot dead, two houses standing opposite the fort were in return forthwith set on fire. 
The Director knowing nought of this sent at once some persons to enquire the reason of it^. The 
Indians shewing themselves afar off, called out — Be ye our friends 1 ye are mere corn stealers — 
making them also parties. Tliis induced one of the proprietors of the burnt houses to upbraid 
therewith one Maryn Adriaenzen, who at his request had led tlie freemen in the attack on the 
Indians, and who being reinforced by an English troop had afterwards undertaken tAvo bootless 
Expeditions in the open field — imagining that the Director had accused him, he being one of the 
signers of the petition he determined to revenge himself.|| With this resolution he proceeded 
to the Director's house armed with a Pistol, loaded and cocked, and a hanger by his side ; coming 

^Note F. Resolve of the 12 delegates dated 21 Jan'y , 1642. 
t Note G. Their Petition dated 24th Feb. 1643. 

I At Corker's Hook. 

t Note H. Their petition and the answer thereto, dated 27 Feb. 1G43. 
§ Note I. Contains the information thereupon. 

II Note K. His trial therefor. 


unawares into the Director's room, he presents his Pistol at him, saying, What devilish lies an 
thou reporting of me? but by the promptness of one of the bystanders, the shot was prevented, and 
lie arrested. A short time after, Marine's man and another entered the fort, each carrying a loaded 
gun and pistol — the first fired at the Director who having had notice witlidrew towards liis house, the 
balls passing into the walls alongside the door behind him ; the sentinel firing immediately on him 
who had discharged his gun, brought him down. Shortly afterwards some of the Commonalty 
collected before the Director, riotously demanding the prisoner; they were answered that their 
request should be presented in order and in writing, which about 25 men did, they therein asked 
the Director to pardon the Criminal. The matters were referred to tliem to decide conscientiously 
thereupon. In such wise that they immediately went forth, without hearing parties or seeing 
any complaints or documents : They condemn him in a fine of Five Htmdred guilders, and to remain 
three months away from the Manhatens, but on account of the importance of the affair and some 
Considerations, it was resolved to send the Criminal, with his trial to Holland which 

In this Confusion mingled witli great terror passed the winter away ; the Season came for driving 
out the Cattle ; this obliged many to desire Peace. On the other hand the Indians seeing also that 
it was time to plant maize, were not less sohcitous for peace so that after some negotiation. Peace 
was concluded in May A.o. 1643 only in consequence of the importunity of some and the opinion 
entertained by others that it would be durable. 

The Indians kept still after tliis Peace, associating daily with our People, Yea, even the greatest 
Chiefs came to visit the Director. Meanwhile Pachem a crafty man, ran through all the villages 
urging the Indians to a general massacre, thereupon it happened that certain Indians called Wappin- 
gers, dwelling sixteen miles up the River, with whom we never had any the least trouble, seized on 
a boat coming from Fort Orange wherein were only two men, and full four hundred Beavers. This 
great Booty stimulated* others to follow their example, so that they seized two boats more, intending 
to overhaul the fourth also, from which they were driven off with the loss of six Indians. Nine 
Christians including two women were murdered in these Captured barks, one woman and two 
children remaining prisoners. The other Indians, so soon as their maize was ripe — followed this 
example, and through semblance of selling Beavers killed an old man and woman, leaving another 
man with five wounds who however fled to the fort in a boat with a little child on his arm, wh(5 in 
the first outbreak had lost Fatlier & Mother, And now grandfather and grandmother, being thus 
twice through God's merciful blessing rescued from the hands of the Indians, first when two years 
old ; Notliing was now heard but murders most of which were committed under pretence of coming 
to put the Christians on their guard. 

Finally they took the field and attacked the bouweries at Pavonia. There were here at the 
time, two ships of war and a privateer who saved considerable Cattle and Grain. Probably it was 
not possible to prevent the destruction of four bouweries on Pavonia, which were burnt, not by 
open force, but by stealthily creeping through the brush with fire in hand thus igniting the roofs 
which are all either of reed or straw ; one covered with plank was repeatedly saved. 

The Commonalty were called together, they were sore distressed. They chose eight, in the stead of 
the previous Twelve,! persons to aid in consulting for the best ; but the occupation every one had 
to take care of his own, prevented anything beneficial being adopted at that time — nevertheless it 
was resolved that as many Englishmen as were in the Country should be enlistecj^ho were indeed 
now proposing to depart ; the third part of these were to be paid by the Commonalty ; this promise 
was made by the Commonalty but was not followed by the pay. 

• Note M. Their acknowledgment made before the English 16 January, 1643; English style. 

t Note N. Resolve of 13 Sept'r. 1643. 


Terror increasing all over the land the eight men assembled, drew* up a proposal in writing 
wherein they demanded that delegates should be sent to the North, to our English neighbours, to 
request an auxiliary force of One hundred and fifty men, for whose pay a bill of Exchange should 
be given for twenty five thousand guilders, and that N. Netherland should be so long mortgaged 
to the English as security for the payment thereof (one of the most influential among the eight men 
had by letter| enforced by precedents previously endeavored to persuade the Director to this 
course, as they had also a few days before resolvedf that the Provisions destined for Curagao 
should be unloaded from the vessels and the major portion of the men belonging to them detained, 
and to send the Ships away thus empty. Thds was not agreed to nor considered Expedient by 
the Director. 

[Here four pages are wanting. \ 

[An expedition was despatched consisting of soldiers] under the command of the Sergeant, 

XL Burghers under their Captain Jochem Pietersen, XXXV Englishmen under Lieutenant Baxter, 
but to prevent all confusion, Councillor La Montague was appointed general. Coming to Staten 
Island, they marched the whole night ; the houses were empty and abandoned by the Indians ; they 
got 5 or 6 hundred skepels of corn, burning the remainder without accomplishing any thing else. 

Mayane, a Sachem, residing 8 miles N. E. of us, between Greenwich (that lies within our 
jurisdiction) and Stantfort, which is English, — a fierce Indian who alone dared to attack with bow 
and arrows, three Christians armed with guns one of whom he shot dead ; whilst engaged with the 
other, he was killed by the third Christian and his head brought hither. It was then known and 
understood for tlie first time, that he and his Indians had done us much injury, though we never 
had any difference with liim. Understanding further that they lay in their houses very quiet and 
without suspicion in the neighborhood of the English it was determined to hunt them up, and attack 
them and one hundred and twenty men were sent thither under the preceding command. The 
people landed at Greenwich in the evening from three Yachts, marched the entire night but could 
not find the Indians, either because the Guide had given warning or had himself gone astray. Retreat 
was made to the Yaclits in order to depart as secretly as possible, passing through Stantfort some 
Englishmen were encountered who offered^ to lead ours to the place where some Indians were, 
thereupon four scouts w^ere Sent in divers directions, to discover them, who at their return, 
reported that the Indians had some notice of our people by the salute which the Englishmen gave 
us, but without any certainty, whereupon five and twenty of the bravest men were at once com- 
manded to proceed thither to the nearest village, with great diligence they made the journey 
killing 18 or 20 Indians, capturing an old man, two women and some children, to exchange for ours. 
The other troops on coming hither immediately in the yachts, found the huts empty. 

The old Indian, captured above, having promised to lead us to Wetquescheck which consisted of 
three Castles, sixty five men were despatched under Baxter and Pieter Cock, who found tliem empty 
though thirty Indians could have stood against Two Hundred Soldiers inasmuch as they were 
constructed of plank five inches thick nine feet high and braced around with thick balk full of 
port holes. Our people biu-nt two, reserving the third for a retreat. Marching 8 or 9 miles 
further, they discovered nothing but some huts, which they could not surprize as they were discovered 
— they came back having killed only one or two Indians, taken some women and Children prisoners 
and burnt some corn. Meanwhile, we were advised that Pennewitz,' one of the oldest and most 

• Note O. Dated 6th Octob. 1643. 
t Note P. Dated 9th March, 1643. 
t Note Q. In their resolution 80th September, 1643. 
1 Chief of the Canarsee tribe, KingsCo., L. L Ed 
Vol. IV. 2 


experienced Indians in the Country, and who, in tlie first Conspiracy, had given the most dangerous 
Council, To wit, that they should wait and not attack the Dutch until all suspicion had been lulled, 
and then divide tliemselves equally tlirough the houses of the Christians and slaughter all these 
in one night — was secretly waging war against us with liis tribe who killed some of our people and 
set fire to the houses. It was, therefore, resolved to send thither a troop of one hundred and 
twenty men, tlie Burghers under their Company, the English under their Sergeant Major Van 
der Hyl • (who Avithin a few days had offered his services and was accepted), the veteran soldiers under 
Pieter Cock, all under the command of M"" La Montagne, to proceed hence in three Yachts, Land 
in Scouts Bay on Long Island, march towards Heemstede (where there is an English Colonic 
dependant on us.) Some sent forward in advance dexterously killed an Indian who was out as a Spy ; 
our force was divided into two divisions — Van der Hil with fom-teen Englisli towards tlie smallest, 
and Eighty men towards the largest village named Matsepe, both which were very successful, 
killing about one hundred and Twenty men ; of ours one man remained on the field and three were 

Our forces being returned from this expedition, Capt Van der Hil was despatched to Stantfort, to 
get some information there of the Indians. He reported that the Guide who had formerly served 
us, and had gone astray in the night, was now in great danger of his life from the Indians of 
whom there were about five hundred together. He offered to lead us there, to shew tliat the furmer 
mischance was not his fault. One hundred and thirty men were accordingly despatched under the 
aforesaid Geui Van der Hil and Hendrick van Dyck Ensign. They embarked in three Yaclits, 
landed at Greenwich, where they were obliged to pass the night by reason of tlie great Snow and 
Storm ; in the morning they marched N. W. up over Stony Hills over whicli some must creep, iu 
the evening about eiglit o'clock they came within a mile of the Indians, and inasmuch as they should 
have arrived too early and had to cross^ two Rivers, one of Two hundred feet wide and three 
deep, and that the men could not afterwards rest in consequence of the cold, it was determined to 
remain th^re until about ten o'clock. Tlie order was given as to the mode to l^e observed in 
attacking the Indians — tliey marched forward towards the houses, being three rows set up street 
fashion, each Eighty paces long, in a low recess of the mountain, affording complete shelter from 
the N. W. wind. The moon was then at the full, and tlifew a strong light against tlie mountain so 
that many winters days were not brigliter than it then was. On arriving there the Indians were 
wide awake, and on tlieir guard, so that ours determined to cliarge and surround tlie houses, sword 
iu hand. Tliey demeaned themselves as soldiers and deployed in small bands, so that we got iu 
a short time one dead and twelve wounded. They were also so liard pressed that it was impossible 
for one to escape. In a brief space of time there were counted One hundred and Eighty dead outside 
the houses. Presently none durst come forth, keeping within the houses, discharging arrows 
through the holes. The General remarked that nothing else was to be done, resolved with Sergeant 
Major Van der Hil, to set the huts on fire, whereupon the Indians tried every means to escape, not 
succeeding in which they returned back to the flames prefejring to perish by the fire than to die 
by our hands. Wliat was most wonderful is, that among this vast collection of Men, Women and 
Children not one was heard to cry or to scream. According to the report of the Indians tliera- 
selves tlie number then destroyed exceeded five hundred. Some say, full 700, among whom were 
also, 25 Wappingers, our God having collected together there the greater number of our Enemies, 
to celebrate one of their festivals, from which escaped no more than eight men in all, of whom even 
three were severely wounded. 

1 Capt. John Underhill. Ed. 


The fight ended, several fires were built in consequence of the great cold, tlie wounded, 15 in 
number, dressed, and sentinels being posted by the General the troops bivouacked there for the 
remainder of the night. On the next day, the party set out much refreshed in good order, so as 
to arrive at Stantford in the evening. They marched with great courage over that wearisome moun- 
tain, God affording extraordinary strength to the wounded some of whom were badly hurt ; coming 
in the afternoon to Stantfort after a march of two days and one night and little rest. The English 
received our people in a very friendly manner, affording them every comfort. In two days they 
reached here. A Thanks-giving was proclaimed on their arrival. 

[The remainder is wanting. J 







By F«ther Ibaao Joavn, JtiuU MUiionary 

The Rev. Isaac Jogues, the author of the following early totice of New York was born at Orleans in France 10th Jany 
1607, in which city he received the rudiments of his education. He entered the Jesuit Society at Rouen in Oct. 1624 and 
removed to the College of La Fletche in 1627. He completed his divinity at Clermont College, Paris, and was ordained 
Priest in February 1636 in the Spring of which year he embarked as a Missionary for Canada and arrived at Quebec on the 2nd 
of July. After a sojourn of a few weeks in that city he proceeded to the Huron country on the 24 Aug. and arrived at 
the new field of his labors about the 12th September. In 1641 he visited Pauoitigoueiuhak, or " the place of the Shallow 
Cataract," as the Falls of St Mary were originally called, on an invitation of some 0-jibways but made only a brief stay 
there and returned to Quebec in 1642. He reembarked on the first of August of that year for the Huron Mission but, on his 
way, was captured by a party of Mohawks who had lain in ambush for his party, and was hurried off a prisoner to the enemy's 
country. Here he suffered every torture short of the stake, and had to witness the cruel deaths of many of his companions. 
On the 31st July 1643, after a year's captivity he succeeded in evading the vigilance of his captors, and escaped to the Dutch 
at Fort Orange (Albany) by whom he was most cordially received and most humanely treated. Thither his Savage masters 
followed him, but the Dutch preferred ransoming to surrendering him and forwarded him to New Amsterdam, where he waa 
suitably received by Gov. Kieft, furnished with every necessary and a passage to France. After having been shipwrecked on 
the coast of England and again stripped of all he had, he finally reached the French coast in utter destitution. 

His stay in New Netherland from August 1642 to Nov. 1643 enabled him to draw up the present interesting sketch of that 

After recruiting his shattered strength, and experiencing every attention at Court and at the hands of his religious Superiors, 
he returned to Canada and was stationed at Montreal. On peace being concluded with the Mohawks, Father Jogues was 
selected as ambassador to their country to exchange ratifications. He set out 16th May 1646, passed through Lakes Cham- 
plain and George (to the latter of which he gave the name of St Sacrement) , and reached Fort Orange on 4th JunCj and 
proceeded thence to the Village of Onewgiwre. He tarried here but a short time, having left on the 16th, on his return 
to Three Rivers, where he arrived on the 29tli. 

He set out again on the 27th September for the Mohawk country in his true character, as a Missionary of the Gospel, with 
a, deep presentiment of not returning. He entered Gandawage or Gannawage, the scene of his former captivity, on the 17th 
October and was received with blows ! A revolution had passed over the Savage mind. Jogues, on his departure in June, 
had left a box in one of the lodges, containing some trifling necessaries. Harvest came but it was discovered that the worm 
had visited the Indians' fields and devoured the crop. Jogues' box it was to their humble capacities that contained the Evil 
Spirit which thus laid waste their country, and in revenge the Christian Missionary was doomed to die. In the evening of the 
18th he was invited to sup in one of the cabins. On entering the door he received a blow on the head and fell dead on the ground . 
His lifeless body was at once decapitated ; the head fixed on the palisades of the village and the trunk cast into the Mohawk 

Thus fell, in the 40th year of his age, the first Catholic Missionary in New York. It is supposed that he was slain at 
Caughnawaga, in Montgomery co., which in the Annals of Religion waa afterwards known as the " Mission of the Martyrs." 
A copy of the original French MS. and the following Translation, were presented to the Regents of the University, by the 
Rev. Father Martin, Superior of the Jesuits in Canada. Ed. 


By Rev. Isaac Jogues, S.J. 

New Holland which the Dutch call in Latin N'ovum, Belgium: in their own language Nieuw 
Nedeilaud, that is to say, New Low Countries, is situated between Virginia and New England. 
The mouth of the river called by some Nassau river or the great North river (to distinguish it from 
another which they call the South river) and which in some maps that I have recently seen is also 
called, I think. River Maurice, is at 40° 30'.- Its channel is deep, fit for the largest ships that ascend 
to Manhattes Island, which is seven leagues in circuit, and on wliich there is a fort to serve as the 
commencement of a town to be built there and to be called New Amsterdam. 

This fort which is at the point of the island about five or six. leagues from the mouth, is called 
Fort Amsterdam ; it has four regular bastions mounted with several pieces of artillery. All these 
bastions and the cm-tains were in 1643 but ramparts of earth, most of which had crumbled away^ 
so that the fort could be entered on all sides. There were no ditches. There were sixty soldiers 
to garrison the said fort and another which they had built still further up against the incursions 
of the savages their enemies. They were beginning to face the gates and bastions with stone, 
Wit'iin tliis fort stood a pretty large church built of stone ; the house of the Governor, whom 
they called Director General, quite neatly built of brick, the storehouses and barracks. 

On this island of Manhate and in its environs there may well be four or five hundred men of 
difttrent sects and nations ; tlie Director General told me that there were persons there of eighteen 
different languages ; they are scattered here and there on the river, above and below as the beauty 
uinl convenience of the spot invited each to settle, some mechanics however who ply their trades 
are ranged under the fort ; all the others were exposed to the incursions of the natives, who in the 
year 1643, while I was there actually killed some two score Hollanders and burnt many houses and 
barns full of wlieat. 

Tlie river, which is very straight and runs due north and south, is at least a league broad 
before the fort. Ships lie at anchor in a bay which forms the other side of the island and can be 
defended from the fort. 

S!ioi tly bf fore I arrived there three large vessels of 300 tons each had come to load wheat ; two 
had found cargoes, the third could not be loaded because the savages had burnt a part of their 
grain. These ships came from the West Indies where the West India Company usually keeps up 
seventeen ships of war. 

No religion is publicly exercised but the Calviuist, and orders are to admit none but Calvinists, 
but this is not observed, for there are, besides Calvinists, in the Colony Catholics, English Puritans, 
Lutlierans, Anabaptists, here called Mhistes &c. 

When any one comes to settle in the country, they lend him horses, cows &c, they give him pro- 
visions, all which he repays as soon as he is at ease, and as to the land he pays in to the West 
India Company after ten years the tenth of the produce which he reaps. 

T!iis country is bounded on the New England side by a river they call t!ie IVesche river, which 


serves as a Doundary between them and tlie English. Tlie English however come very near to 
them, preferring to hold lands under tlie Dutch who ask nothing from them rather than to be 
dependant on English Lords who exact rents and would fain be absolute. On the other side 
southward towards Virginia, its limits are the river wliich they call the South river on which there 
is also a Dutch settlement, but the Swedes have at its mouth another extremely well provided with 
men and cannon. It is believed that these Swedes are maintained by some merchants of Amsterdam, 
who are not satisfied that the West India Company should alone enjoy all the commerce of these 
parts. It 4s near this river that a gold mine is reported to have been found. 

See in the work of the Sieur de Laet of Antwerp the table and article on New Belgium as he 
sometimes calls it or the map ; JYova Anglia^ Kovu Belgium et Virginia. 

It is about fifty years since the Hollanders came to these parts. The fort was begun in the year 
1615: they began to settle about twenty years ago and there is akeady some little commerce with 
Virginia and New England. 

The first comers found lands fit for use, formerly cleared by the savages who previously had 
fields here. Those who came later have cleared in the woods, which are mostly of oak. The soil 
is good. Deer hunting is abundant in tlie fall. There are some houses built of stone ; they make 
lime of oyster shells, great heaps of which are found here made formerly by the savages, who 
subsisted in part by this fishery. 

The climate is very mild. Lying at 40|° degrees ; there are many European fruits, as apples 
pears, cherries. I reached there in October, and found even then a considerable quantity of 

Ascending the river to the 43*1 degree you find the second Dutch settlement, which the flux and 
jeflux reaches but does not pass. Ships of a hundred and a hundred and twenty tons can ascend 
to it. 

There are two things in this settlement, which is called Renselaerswick, as if to say the colony 
of Renselaer, who is a rich Amsterdam merchant : pt a wretched little fort called F' Orenge, 
built of logs with four or five pieces of cannon of Breteuil and as many swivels. This has been 
reserved and is maintained by the West India Company. This fort was formerly on an island in the 
river, it is noAV on the main land towards the Hiroquois, a little above the said island. 2"^^, a 
colonic sent here by this Renselaer, who is the Patroon. This colonic is composed of about a 
hundred persons, who reside in some 25 or 30 houses, built along the river, as each one found it 
most convenient. In the principal house resides the Patroon's agent, the minister has his apart, in 
which service is performed. There is also a kind of bailiff here whom they call Seneschal, who 
administers justice. All their houses are merely of boards and thatched. As yet there is no mason 
work, except in the chimneys. The forests furnishing many large pines, they make boards by means 
of their mills w^hich they have for the purpose. 

They found some pieces of ground all ready, which the savages had formerly prepared and in which 
they sow wheat and oats for beer and for their horses, of which they have a great stock. There 
is little land fit for tillage, being crowded by hills which are bad soil. This obliges them to be 
seperated the one from the other, and they occupy already two or three leagues of country. 

Trade is free to all, this gives the Indians all things cheap, each of the Hollanders outbidding his 
neighbor and being satisfied provided he can gain some little profit. 

This settlement is not more than twenty leagues from the Jigniehronons, who can be reached 
either by land or by water, as the river on which the Iroquois lie falls into that which passes by 
the Dutch ; but there are many shallow rapids and a fall of a short half league where the canoe has 
to be can-ied. 


There are many nations between the two Dutch settlements, which are about thirty German 
leagues apart, that is about 50 or 60 French leagues. The Loups, whom the Iroquois call Mgotsagenens, 
are the nearest to Renselaerwick and F' Orange. War breaking out some years ago between the 
Iroquois and tlie Loups, the Dutch joined tjie latter against the former, but four having been taken 
and burnt they made peace. Some nations near the sea having murdered some Hollanders of the 
most distant settlement, the Hollanders killed 150 Indians, men, women and children; the latter 
having killed at divers intervals 40 Dutchmen, burnt several houses and committed ravages, estimated 
at the time that I was there at 200,000 liv. (two hundred thousand livres) troops were raised in New 
England, and in the beginning of winter the grass being low and some snow on the ground they 
pursued them with six .hundred men, keeping two hundred always on the move and constantly 
relieving each other, so that the Indians, pent up in a large island and finding it impossible to escape, 
on account of the women and children, were cut to pieces to the number of sixteen hundred 
women and children included. This obliged the rest of the Indians to make peace, which still 
continues. This occurred in 1643 and 1644. 
Three Elvers in New France, 
August 3<i, 1646. 

Vol. IV. 





By CoRNELis Van Tienhoven, 
Secretary of the Province. 


Translated from the Dutch 



[Pol. Doc. v.] 

If any man be disposed to begin either by himself or others, Colonies, Bouweries or Plantations 
in New Netlierland, lying in the Latitude of one and forty degrees and a half, he shall first have 
to inform himself fully of the situation of the lands lying on rivers, havens and Bays, in order 
thus to select the most suitable and particularly the most convenient grounds : It is therefore to 
be borne in mind that the lands in New Netherland are not aU level & flat and adapted to raising 
of grain, inasmuch as they are, with the exception of some few flatts, generally covered with 
timber, in divers places also with large & small stones. 

In order, then first to describe those lands which are actually the most convenient and best adapted 
for early occupancy, where and how located, I shall enumerate the following places, and commend 
the remainder to the consideration of proprietors of this country. 

I begin then at the most easterly corner of Long Island, being a point situate on the Main Ocean, 
inclosing within, westward, a large inland sea' adorned with divers fair havens and bays, fit for all 
sorts of craft ; this Point is entirely covered with Trees, without any flatts and is somevvliat hilly, 
and stoney, very convenient for Cod fishing, which is most successfully followed by the Natives 
during the Season. 

Tliis Point is also well adapted to secure the trade of the Indians in Wampum (the mine of 
New Netherland) since in and about the abovementioned sea and the islands therein situate, lie tlie 
cockles wliereof Wampum is made from which great profit could be realized by tliose wlio would 
plant a Colonie or hamlet on the aforesaid hook for the cultivation of the land, for raising all sorts of 
cattle, for fishing, and the Wampum trade. 

It would be necessary, in such case, to settle on the aforesaid land some persons thoroughly con- 
versant with agriculture and others with the fishery. 

Oysterbaif, so called from the great abundance of fine and delicate oysters whicli are found there. 
This bay is about a short mile across, or in width at the mouth ; deep and navigable, without eitlier 
rocks or sands, runs westward in proportion, and divides itself into two rivers, which are broad and 
clear, on which said rivers lie fine maize lands, formerly cultivated by the Indians, some of which 
they still work ; they could be had for a trifle. This land is situate on such beautiful bay, and rivers 
that it could at little cost be converted into good farms fit for the plough ; there are here, also, 
some fine hay valleys. 

Martin Gerritseri's hay or Martinnehouck, is much deeper and wider than Oyster bay, and runs 
westward in, divides into three rivers, two of which are navigable ; the smallest stream runs up in 
front of tlie Indian village called Martinne houck, where they have their plantations. Tliis tribe is 
not strong, and consists of about 30 families. In and about this bay there were formerly great 
numbers of Indian Plantations, which now lie waste and vacant. This land is mostly level and of 

1 Gardner's Bay. Ed. 


good quality, well adapted for grain and rearing of all sorts of cattle ; on the rivers are numerous 
valleys of sweet and salt meadows ; all sorts of river tisli are also cauglit there. 

Schoufs bay, on the East river, also very open and navigable, with one river running into it ; on 
said river are also fine maize lands, level and not stony, with right beautiful valleys. Beyond said 
river is a very convenient hook of land, somewhat large, encircled by a large valley and river, 
where all descriptions of cattle can be reared and fed, such convenience being a great accommo- 
dation for the settlers, who otherwise must search for their cattle frequently several days in the bush. 

The country on the East river between Greenwich and the island Manhattans, is for the most 
part covered with trees, but yet flat and suitable laud, with numerous streams and valleys, right 
good soil for grain, together with fresh hay and meadow lauds. 

Wiequaeskeck, on the North river, five miles above New Amsterdam is very good and suitable land 
for agriculture, very extensive maize land, on wliich the Indians have planted — proceeding from the 
shore and inland 'tis flat and mostly level, well watered by small streams and running springs. 
This land lies between the Sintiuck and Ai-monck streams situate between the East and North 

In the Bay of the North river, about two miles from Sandy Hook, lies an inlet or small bay ; on 
the south shore of said hay, called Neyswesinck, there are also right good maize lands which have 
not been cultivated by tlie natives for a long time. This district is well adapted for raising and 
feeding all sorts of cattle, and is esteemed by many not ill-adapted for fisheries ; a good trade in 
furs could also be carried on there, and 'tis likewise accessible to all large vessels coming from sea, 
which are often obliged to lie to or anchor behind Sandy Hook, either in consequence of contrary 
winds, or for want of a pilot. 

The district inhabited by a nation called Earitangs, is situate on a fresh water river, that flows 
through the centre of the low land which the Indians cultivated. This vacant territory lies between 
two high mountains, far distant the one from the other. This is the handsomest and pleasantest 
country tliat man can behold, it furnished the Indians with abundance of maize, beans, pumpkins, 
and other fruits. This district was abandoned by the natives for two reasons ; the first and principal 
is, that finding themselves unable to resist the Southern Indians, tliey migrated further inland ; the 
second, because this country was flooded every spring like Renselaer's colonie, frequently spoiling 
and destroying their supplies of maize which were stored in holes under ground 

Through this valley pass large numbers of all sorts of tribes, on their way north or east, this land 
is therefore not only adapted for raising grain and rearing all description of cattle, but also very 
convenient for trade with the Indians. 

On botli sides of the South bay and South river also lie some handsome lands, not only suitable 
but very convenient for agriculture and trade. 

I have already stated where the first Colonists should, in my opinion, settle, regard being had jto 
the convenience of those lands in the possession of which other nations being anticipated, they would 
not be able to extend their pretended limits further, and great peace and security would be aflbrded 
to tlie inhabitants. I shall here further state the time when those emigrating hence to and ai"riving 
in New Netherland will take up land, and how each shaU afterwards earn a living and settle in the 
most economical manner according to the fashion of the country. 

Boors and others who are obliged to work at first in Colonies ouglit to sail from this country in 
the fore or latter part of winter, in order to arrive with God's help in New Netherland early in the 
Spring, as in Marcli, or at latest in April, so as to be able to plant during that summer, garden 

1 IVestchestei Cotmty. Ec, 


vegetables, maize and beans, and moreover employ the wbole summer in clearing land and building 
cottages as I shall liereafter describe. 

All til en who arrive in New Netlierlaud must immediately set about preparing tlie soil, so as to be 
able, if possible to plant some winter grain, and to proceed the next winter to cut and clear the 
timber. The ti-ees are usually felled from the stump, cut up and burnt in the field, unless such as 
are suitable tor building, for palisades, posts, and rails, which must be prepared during winter, sn 
as to be set up in the spring on the new made land which is intended to be sown, in order ti-iat tht 
cattle may not in any wise injure the crops. In most lands is found a certain root, called red WoJtel. 
which must, before ploughing, be extirpated with a hoe, expressly made for that purpose. This beinj^ 
done in tlie winter, some plough right around the stumps, should time or circumstances not allow 
these to be removed ; others plant tobacco, maize and beans, at first. The soil even tl\us becomes 
very mellow, and they sow winter grain the next fall. From tobacco, can be realized some of the 
expenses incurred in clearing tlie land. The maize and beans help to support both men, and cattle 
The farmer having thus begun, must endeavour, every year, to clear as much new land as he possibly 
can, and sow it with such seed as he considers most suitable. 

It is not necessary that the husbandman should take up much stock in the beginning, since clearing 
land and other necessary labor do not permit him to save much hay and to build barns for stabling. 
One pair of draft horses or a yoke of oxen only is necessary, to ride the planks for buildings or 
palisades or rails from the land to the place where they are to be set. 

The farmer can get all sorts of cattle in the course of the second summer when he will have more 
leisure to cut and bring home hay, also to build barns and houses for men and cattle. 

Of the building of houses at first. 

Before beginning to build, it will above all things be necessary to select a well located spot, either 
on some river or bay, suitable for the settlement of a village or hamlet. This is previously properly 
surveyed and divided into lots, with good streets according to the situation of the place. This hamlet 
can be fenced all round with high palisades or long boards and closed with gates, which is advanta- 
geous in case of attack by the natives who heretofore used to exhibit tlieir insolence in new 

Outside the village or hamlet other land must be laid out Avhich can in general be fenced and 
prepared at the most trifling expense. 

Those in New Netherland and especially in New England, who have no means to build farm houses 
at first according to their wishes, dig a square pit in the ground, cellar fashion, 6 or 7 feet deep, as 
long and as broad as they think proper, case the earth inside with wood all round the wall, and line 
the wood with the bark of trees or something else to prevent the caving in of the earth ; floor this 
cellar with plank and wainscot it overhead for a ceiling, raise a roof of spars clear up and cover the 
spars with bark or green sods, so that they can live dry and warm in these houses with their entire 
families for two, three and four years, it being understood that partitions are run through those cellars 
which are adapted to the size of the family. The wealthy and principal men in New England, in 
the beginning of the Colonies, commenced their first dwelling houses in this fashion for two reasons ; 
firstly, in order not to waste time building and not to want food the next season ; secondly, in order 
not to discourage poorer laboring people whom they brought over in numbers from Fatherland. 
In the course of 3 @ 4 years, when the country became adapted to agriculture, they built themselves 
handsome houses, spending on them several thousands. 

After the houses are built in the above described manner or otherwise according to each person's 
means and fancy, gardens are made, and planted in season with all sorts of pot herbs, principally 


parsnips, carrots, and cabbage, which bring great plenty into the husbandman's dwelling. The maize 
can serve as bread for men, and food for cattle. 

The hogs, after having picked up their food for some months in the woods, are crammed with corn 
in the fall ; when fat they are killed and furnish a very hard and clean pork ; a good article for the 
husbandman who gradually and in time begins to purchase horses and cows witli the produce of liis 
grain and the increase of his hogs, and instead of a cellar as aforesaid, builds good farm houses and 

Of the necessary Cattle. 

The cattle necessary in a Colonic or private Bouwery in New Netherland, are good mares and 
sound stallions. 

Yoke oxen for the plough, inasmuch as in new lands full ot roots, oxen go forward steadily 
under the plougli, and horses stand still, or with a start break the harness in pieces. 

Milch cows of kindly disposition and good bulls, sheep, sows, etc. Fowls are well adapted to 

These Cattle are abundant in New Netherland and especially in New England and to be had at a 
reasonable price, except sheep which the English do not sell and are rare in New Netherland. 

Prices of Cattle. 

In New Netherland ; a young mare with her 2^ or third foal costs fl. 150 to 160 = $60 

A 4 to 5 year old stallion about . 130 = 52 

A milch cow with her 2^ or 3<-^ calf, 100 = 40 

A year old sow, 20 @ 24 = 8@10 

A sheep, being an ewe, 20 @ 24 

In New England ; a good mare sells for, 100 @ 120 

A stallion, 100 

A milch cow, 60 @ 70 

A yearhng sow, 12 @ 14 

Sheep are not sold here. 

It is to be observed tliat in a Colonic each Farmer has to be provided by his Landlord with at 
least one yoke of oxen or with two mares in their stead two cows, one or two sows, for the purpose 
of increase, and the use of the farm and the support of his family. 

If the above cattle multiply in course of time with God's blessing the Bouweries can be fully 
stocked with necessary cattle, and new Bouweries set off with the remainder, as is the practice in 
Renselaer's Colonic and other places, as so on de novo, so as to lay out no money for stock. 

All farming implements necessary for the land must be also procured, except wagon and plough 
which can be made there. 

And as it is found by experience in New Netherland that farmers can with difficulty obtain from 
the soil enough to provide themselves with necessary victuals and support, those who propose 
planting Colonies must supply their farmers and families with necessary food for at least two to three 
years, if not altogether it must be done at least in part. 

Jfecessary supplies for the farmer. 

If no wheat or rye can be had for bread, maize can be always hadnn season'from the Indians at 
a reasonable price. The skepel costs ordinarily 10 @ 15 stivers when bought from the Indians. 
Meat Vinigar 

Pork Pease, and 

Butter or Oil instead ; Beans. 


Salad oil and vinegar are not easy to be had in that country except at an excessively high price 
from the Dutch traders. 

All this being arranged it must be noted what description of people are best adapted for agriculture 
in New Netherland and to perform the most service and return the most profit in the beginning. 

First, a person is necessary to superintend the working men ; he ougiit to be acquainted with 

Industrious country people, conversant with the working and cultivation of land, and possessing a 
knowledge of cattle. 

It would not be unprofitable to add to these some Highland boors, from the Veluwe, ' Gulick,^ 
Cleef,=' and Berg." 

Northerners are a people adapted to cutting down trees and clearing land, inasmuch as they are 
ver}^ laborious and accustomed to work in the woods. 

Northerners can do almost anything, some can build much, others a little, and construct small 
craft wliich they call yawls. 

Carpenters wlio can lay brick. 

Smiths conversant with heavy work, curing cattle and provided with suitable medicines. 

One or more surgeons, according to the number of the people, with a chest well supplied with all 
sorts of drugs. 

One or more Coopers. 

A Clergyman, Comforter of the sick, or precentor who could also act as Schoolmaster. 

A Wheelwright. 

All otiier 'tradesmen would [be required] in time; the above mentioned mechanics are the most 
necessary at first. In order to promote population through such and other means, the people must 
be provided with Freedoms and Privileges so as to induce them to quit their Fatlierland, and 
emigrate Avith their families beyond the sea to j;his far distant New Netherland. And as poor people 
have no means to defray the cost of passage and other expenses, it were desirable tliat wealtliy 
individuals would expend some capital, to people this country or at their own expense remove 
themselves like the English of New England, with funds and a large body of working men, and 
provide those without means, witli land, dwelling, cattle, tools and necessary support ; and that, 
until they could derive the necessary maintenance from tlie soil and the increase of cattle, after which 
time they woidd be able to pay yearly a reasonable quit rent to their Lords and Masters from the 
effects in their possession. 

By the population and cultivation of the aforesaid lands those who shall have disbursed funds fop 
the removal of the laboring classes the purchase of cattle and all other expenses, would, in process 
of some years, after God had blessed the tillage, and the increase of the cattle, derive a considerable 
revenue in grain, meat, pork, butler, and tobacco, which form at first the earliest returns, in time 
can be improved by industry, sucli as tlie making pot and pearl ashes, clapboards, knees for ship 
building, staves, all sorts of pine and oak plank, masts for large ships, square timber, and ash and 
hickory planks in which a staple trade could be established. The English of New England put this 
in practice, as is to be seen, after the land had been first brought to proper condition ; they sell 
their provisions at the Caribbean Islands, staves at Madeira and the Canaries, Masts and Fisli in 

1 "The district of Arnliem, in the Province of Gelderland. 

2 A German town west of Keulen. 

3 Between the Rhine and the German frontier. 

4 The Dachy of Berg is about four or five miles S. East of Arnhem. 

Vol. iy. 4 


Spain and Portugal, and bring in return all sorts of commodities, so much of which returns as they 
do not consume are again distributed by them thoughout all the Islands known and inhabited in the 
Northern part of America. So that through the variety of the returns, whicli of necessity was 
received, a profitable trade is already established in New England, which can also be right well set on 
foot by the Netherlanders, if the population of the country were promoted. 

The following is the mode pursued by the West India Company in the first planting of Bouweries. 

The Company, at their own cost and in their own ships conveyed several boors to New Nether- 
land, and gave these the following terms : — 

The farmer, being conveyed with his family over sea to New Netherland, was granted by the 
Company for the term of six years a Bouwery, which was partly cleared, and a good part of wbicli 
was fit for the plough. 

The Company furnished the farmer a house, barn, farming implements and tools, together with 
four horses, four cows, sheep and pigs in proportion, the usufruct and enjoyment of which the 
husbandman should have during the six years, and on the expiration thereof return the number 
of cattle he received. The entire increase remained with the farmer. The farmer was bound to 
pay yearly one hundred guilders ($40) and eighty pounds of butter rent for the cleared laud and 

The country people who obtained the above mentioned conditions all prospered during their 
residence on the Company''s lands 

Afterwards the cattle belonging to the Company in New Netherland were distributed for some 
years among those who had no means to purchase stock. 

The risk of the Cattle dying is shared in common and after the expiration of the contract, the 
Company receives, if the Cattle live, the number the husbandman first received, and the increase 
which is over, is divided half and half, by wliich means many people have obtained stock and even 
to this day, the Company have still considerable cattle among the Colonists, who make use on the 
above conditions of the horses in cultivating the farm ; the cows serve for the increase of the stock 
and for the support of their families. 

The foregoing is what is necessary to be communicated at present respecting the establishment of 
one or more Colonies and relative to supplies. What regards the government and preservation of 
such Colonies ; and what persons ought to be in authority there and who these ought to be, I leave 
to the wise and prudent consideration of your noble High Mightinesses. Meanwhile I pray the 
Creator of Heaven and Earth to endow your High Mightinesses with the Spirit of grace and wisdom, 
so that all your High Migtinesses' deliberations may tend to the advantage of the Country and its 






With an account of the Massacre at Wildwyck, 
(now Kingston,) 

And the names of those killed, wounded, and taken prisoners, by the Indians on that occasion. 


Translated from the original Dutch MS 

The Court at Wildwyck to the Council of JV*. Ketherland, 

Right Honorable, most respected, wise, prudent and very discreet Lords. 

We, your Honors' faitliful subjects have to report, pursuant to the order of the R* Hon'^'e Heer 
Director General, in the form of a Journal, that in obedience to his Honor's order, received on the 
30"' of May last, we caused the Indian Sachems to be notified on the 5'h of June, to be prepared to 
expect tlie arrival of the Rt Hon'^'o Heer Director General, to receive the promised presents, and 
to renew the peace. This notification was communicated to them through Capt. Thomas Chambers, 
to which they answered — " If peace were to be renewed with them, the Honi^'® Heer Director 
General should, with some unarmed persons, sit with them in the open field, witliout the gate, as it 
was their own custom to meet unarmed when renewing peace or in other negotiations." But they, 
unmindful of the preceding statement, surprized and attacked us between the hours of 11 and 12 
o'clock in the forenoon on Thursday the 7'h instant Entering in bands througli all the gates, they 
divided and scattered themselves among all the houses and dwellings in a friendly manner, having 
with them a little maize and some few beans to sell to our Inhabitants, by which means they kept 
them witliin their houses, and thus went from place to place as spies to discover our strength in 
men. And after tliey had been about a short quarter of an hour within this place, some people on 
horseback rushed through the Mill gate from the New Village, crying out — " The Indians have 
destroyed the New Village !" And with tliese words, the Indians here in tliis Village immediately 
fired a shot and made a general attack on our village from the rear, murdering our people in their 
houses with their axes and tomahawks, and firing on them with guns and pistols ; they seized 
whafever women and children they could catch and carried them prisoners outside the gates, 
plundered the houses and set the village on fire to windward, it blowing at the time from the South. 
The remaining Indians commanded all the streets, firing from the corner houses Avhich they occupied 
and through the cui-tains outside along the highways, so that some of our inhabitants, on their way 
to their houses to get their arms, were wounded and slain. When the flames were at their height 
the wind changed to the west, were it not for which the fire would have been much moi e destruct- 
ive. So rapidly and silently did Murder do his work that those in different parts of the village were 
not aware of it until those wiio had been wounded happened to meet each other, in wliich way 
the most of the others also had warnings The greater portion of our men were abroad at their field 
labors, and but few in the village. Near the mill gate were Albert Gysbertsen with two servants, 
and Tjerck Claesen de Wit ; at the Sheriff's, himself with two carpenters, two clerks and one 
thresher ; at Cornelius Barentsen Sleght's, himself and his son ; at the Domine's, himself and two 
carpenters and one labouring man ; at the guard house, a few soldiers ; at tlie gate towards the river, 
Henderick Jochemsen and Jacob, the Brewer ; but Hendrick Jocliemsen was very severely 
wounded in his house by two shots at an early hour. By these aforesaid men, most of whom had 
neither guns nor side arms, were the Indicins, through God's mercy, chased and put to flight on tlie 
alarm being given by the Sheriff. Capt. Thomas Chambers, who was wounded on coming in from 


without, issued immediate orders (with the Slieriff and Commissaries,) to secure the gates j to clear 
the gun and to drive out the Savages, who were still about half an hour in the village aiming at their 
persons, which was accordingly done. The burning of the houses, the murder and carrying off of 
women and children is here omitted, as these have been already communicated to ycur Honors on 
the lO'h June. After these few men had been collected against the Barbarians, by degrees the others 
arrived who it has been stated, were abroad at their field labors, and we found ourselves when 
mustered in the evening, including those from the new village who took refuge amongst us, in 
number 69 efficient men, both qualified and unqualified. The burnt palisades were immediately 
replaced by new ones, and the people distributed, during the night, along the bastions and curtains 
to keep watch. 

On the lO'h inst , 10 horsemen were commanded to ride down to the Redoubt' and to examine its 
condition. They returned with word that the soldiers at the Redoubt had not seen any Indians. 
They brought also with them the Sergeant, who had gone the preceding morning to the Redoubt, and 
as he heard on his return of the mischief committed by the Indians in the village, he went back to 
the Redoubt and staid there. In addition to the Sergeant they brought the men who had fled from 
the new village. 

On the 16th, towards evening. Sergeant Christiaen Niessen went wit!i a troop of soldiers, sent us 
by your Honors, being 42 men, and three wagons, to the Redoubt, with letters for the Manhatans, 
addressed to your Honors, and to bring up ammunition from the Redoubt. On their return, the 
Indians made an attempt, at the first hill, to take the ammunition from tliese troops. The Sergeant 
having divided his men into separate bodies, evinced great courage against the Indians, skirmishing 
U'ith them from the first, to past the second hill, and defending the wagons so well that they arrived 
n safety in the village. He had, however, one killed and six wounded. The dead man was 
brought in next morning, having been stripped naked, and having had his right hand cut off by the 
Indians. Some of the Indians were also killed, but the number of these is not known. This 
skirmishing having been heard in the village, a reinforcement of horse and foot was immediately 
ordered out, but before they arrived the Indians had been put to flight by the above named 

Tliis, Right Honbie Lords, is what we have deemed necessary to communicate to you in the form 
of a journal as to how and in what manner the Indians have acted towerds us and we towards them 
in the preceding circumstances. And we humbly and respectfully request your Honors to be 
pleased to send us hither for the wounded by the earliest opportunity, some prunes and linen with 
some wine to strengthen them, and whatever else not obtainable here your Honors may think proper; 
also, carabines, cutlasses, and gun flints, and we request that the carabines may be Snaphaunce, as 
the people here are but little conversant with the use of the arquebuse (vyer roer) ; also some spurs 
for the horsemen. In addition to this, also, some reinforcements in men inasmuch as harvest will 
commence in about 14 days from date. Herewith ending, we commend your Honors to God's 
fatherly care and protection. Done, Wildwyck this 20"> Jime 1663. 


the mark of Albert Gvsbertsen, 

TiERECK Classen deWitt, 
Thomas Chambers, 
Gysbert Van Imbroch, 
Christiaen Nyssen, 
Hendrick Jochemsen. 

1 Rondout. 



Barent Gerretsen murdered in front of his house. 

Jan Alberts " in his house. 

Lechten Dirreck " on the farm. 

WilJeiii Janseu Seba " opposite his door. 

Willem Jansen Hap " in Pieter van Hael's house. 

Jan rhe Sniitli " in his liouse. 

Hen.iricli Janseu Looman " on t]\e ftirra. 

Thoinas Chambers' negro " on tlie farm. ^ 

Hey Olferts " in tlie gunner's nouse 


Hendrick Martensen on the farm. 

Dominicus in Jan AU^erts' house. 

Christiaen Andriesen on the Street. 


Licliten Dirreck's vife burnt, witli laer lost fruit, behind Barent Gerritsen's house 

Mattys Capito's wilis killed and burnt in the liouse. 

Jan Albertsen's wife, big witli child, killed in front of her house. 

Pieter van Hael's \^ ife shot and burnt in her house. 

Jan Alberts little girl murdered with her mother. 
Willem Hap's child burnt alive in the house. 

Taken Prisoners. 
Master Gysbert's wife.' Hester Douwe. 
Sara the daughter of Hester Douwe. 
Grietje, Domine Laer's wife. 
Femmetje, sister of Hilletje, being recently married to Joost Ariaens. 

Tjerck Claessen de W itt's oldest daughter. 
Dominie Laer's child. 
Ai'iaen Gerritsen's daughter. 
Two little boys of Mattys Roeloifsen. 

Killed in the New Village: 
Marten Harmensen found dead and stript naked behind the wagon. 
Jacques Tyssen beside Barent's house. 
Derrick Ariaensen shot on his horse. 

1 Surgeon Tmbrodi's wife was the daughter of thp Honble Mr. La Montague, Vice Director of fort Orango 


Taken prisoners: 
Jan Gerritsen on Volckert's bouwery. 

Of Louwis (lu bois, 

Of Mattbeu blancban, . . . 

Of Antoni Cnipel, 

Of Lambert Huybertsen, 
Of jMarteu Ilarmensen, . 

Of Jan Joosten, 

Of Barent Harmensen, . . 
Of Grietje Westercamp, . 
Of Jan Barents, 

Of Micbiel Ferre,' 

Of Henderick Jocbems, . . 
Of Henderick Martensen, 
Of Albert Heymans, 

















Women 8 Ch'n 26 
Houses burnt in Wildwyck. 

Of Micbiel Ferre, 1 Of Hans Carolusen, 1 

Of Willem Hap, 1 Of Pieter van Hael, 1 

Of Mattys Roeloffsen, 1 Of Jacob boerlians, 2 

Of Albert Gerretsen, 1 Of Barent Gerretsen, 2 

Of Licbten Dirrick, 1 Of Mattys, 1 

Houses 12 
Tbe new village is entirely destroyed except a new uncovered barn, one rick and a little stack of 

Wounded in Wildwyck. 
Tbomas Cliambers, sbot in tbe woods. 
Henderick Jocbemsen, " in bis house. 

Micbiel Ferre, 2 " in front of bis bouse. ^ 

Albert Gerretsen, " in front of bis bouse. 

Andries Barents, " in front of bis house. 

Jan du parck, " in tbe bouse of Aert Pietersen Tack. 

Hendeiick the Heer Director General's Servant in the street in front of Aert Jacobsen. 
Paulus tbe Noorman in tbe street. 

1 Sic in Orig. Qu. Frere ? 

2 Died of his '\)rouuds on the 16th Juna. 



On the 4th July we entered the Esopus Kill in front of the Redoubt witli the two Yachts, and 
sent the Sergeant Pieter Ebel with 40 men up to the village Wildwyck to fetch wagons ; he 
returned to the river side aboiit 2 o'clock in the afternoon accompanied by Serjeant Christiaen 
Nyssen, 60 men and 9 wagons ; they loaded these and departed with them to the Village where* I 
arrived towards evening. Saw^ nothing in the world except three Indians on a high hill near the 

5*^ ditto. Returned to the water side with 60 men, 10 horsemen, and 9 wagons to bring up 
supplies, but saw scarcely anytliing on the way. 

etii ditto. Made anotlier journey to tlie shore with 10 w'agons and brought up tlie remainder of the 
supplies, but did not perceive anything. In the evening went for grass with 12 wagons 30 Soldiers 
and 10 horsemen ; then saw 10 or 12 Indians calling to each other but nothing furtlier transpired. 

7'h ditto. Went again twice for grass with 50 men and 12 horsemen but saw nothing. Two 
Indians arrived at the fort about 2 o'clock in the afternoon witli a deer and some fish. Said they 
came from X\\e river side and tliat they had been at the Redoubt where they had traded some fish 
for tol)acco ; tliat they had left their Canoe at the Redoubt, & that they are Wappinger Indians. 
Meanwhile detained them and conveyed them to the guard house. 

8^'' ditto. Sunday. About noon came 5 Indians near our fort — they called out to us to know if 
w^e had any Indians in the fort ? To Avhich we answ^ered. Yes : They asked, why we detained 
them as they were Wappinger Indians 1 To which we answered, they ought to keep at a distance 
as we could not distinguisli one tribe of Indians from another, and if we found that they had not 
done any injury to the Dutch, we should release them. We told them also, that they must keep 
away from here, and go home, for if we should meet them in the woods we would kill them as well as 
the other Indians — if they were desirous to come here to speak to us, they must stick up a white 
flag. Whereupon they answered, 'Tis well, adieu ; and thereupon went tlieir way. Immediately 
after their departure, sent out 40 soldiers and 10 horsemen to look after the cattle, whether they had 
not been near them, but on reaching these they did not remark any mischief — they, therefore, 
returned witli the cattle to the fort. After the afternoon sermon we examined the oldest Indian as 
to whether he was not acquainted wdth some Esopus Indians and whether he would not lead us to 
them — gave him fair words and promised him a present ; for the Dutch at the Esopus had told 
us tliat some Indians dwelt about two miles from there, wherefore we were resolved to go in search 
of them the same evening with 50 men. But this Indian said to us — Go not there, for the Indians 
liave gone thence and dwell now back of Magdalen Island ' on the main land in the rear of a Cripple 
bush on the east side of Fort Orange river, and number 8 men 9 women and 11 children ; and 
he even offered to guide us thither if we had a boat to put us across the river. Whereupon it was 
resolved by the Council of War to despatch two parties that same evening to procure some craft 
to put us over the river. I, therefore, sent Sergeant Christiaen Nyssen and Jan Peersen, each with 
16 men, to look up a boat. The same old Indian betrayed his companion who had come with him 
on the preceding day into the fort — stating that he had assisted the Esopus Indians against the 
Dutcli, and for so doing had received in hand 6 fathom of Sewan, [wampum] ; that 9 Wappingers 
and 30 Manissings were with the Esopus Indians and aided them — also that he said they were together 
about -ifJO Indians strong. 

1 Magdalen island is situate between tlie Upper and Lower Red Hook Landings. These Indians must therefore have been in 
the town of Rerthook — Dntchess co. 

Vol. IV. 5 


9th ditto. Monday I marched very early, [with 40 Soldiers] and 10 liorseraen to the water side 
to ride up and planks to construct a Cabin to store the provisions and ammunition. About 

o'clock the two detachments, I had sent out in the evening, to look for craft, came to me at 
the Redoubt, but they saw neither Indians nor boat. They were marched all together to fort Wildwyck 
and arrived there about 12 o'clock Then sent 30 men with 10 horsemen out scouting, who returned 
about 4 o'clock ; had seen nothing. About 6 o'clock Peiter Wolfertsen' and Lieutenant Stilwil 
arrived liere with their troops ; I then immediately called a Coimcil of War and it w^as resolved 
unanimously to set out in the evening with 20 Soldiers and 12 Indians under the command of 
Christiaen Niesen and Peiter Wolfertsen in order to visit the East shore near Magdalen Island, to 
see if they could not surprize the Esopus Indians who w^ere lying there ; they took the old Indian along 
as a guide, who well knew where they lay. 

10* ditto. I have gone again to the river side with 40 Soldiers and 10 horsemen to fetch plank. 
In returning, the horse men on the right flank rode too far from the foot soldiers and alongside tlie 
mountain on which 12 to 15 Savages lay in ambush who simultaneously fired a at the horsemen 
one of whom they shot through the boot, and grazed a horse. On hearing this, we immediately 
reinforced the cavalry with 25 men, pursued the Indians through the mountain a good half liour, 
but they would not once make a stand ; we therefore returned to the w^agons where I had left 15 
men and marclied together to the Village of Wildwyck. In the afternoon, the scouting party went 
out again ; I sent therewith Lieutenant Stilwil with 1 5 men of his Company and Sergeant Pieter 
Ebel with 28 men & 20 Indians with 10 horsemen. They discovered nothing except a path which 
the Indians found by whicli Savages had recently passed to their fort ; they followed this a long wayi 
but saw nothing. Meanwhile, tliey returned all together. 

ll'h ditto. Again sent out a party to the Mountain near the water side, but they saw nothing ; 
they returned in the evening. 

12*^ ditto. Pieter Wolfertsen & Sergeant Niessen returned with their troops, bringing with them 
one Squaw and three children whom they had captured ; they killed five armed Indians and a 
Avoman ; the Esopus Captain ( Weldoverste) was among the slain ; they cut off his hand which they 
brought liitlier. Had not the Indian led them astray and missed the houses, tliey would have 
surprized all the Indians who were there to the number of 28, with women and children. For 
through tlie mistake of the Indian, our people first came about midday where they found the 
Indians posted and in arms. They immediately fell on the latter and routed and pursued them. 
In the chase one of our soldiers was slain. Meanwhile the huts were plundered wherein they found 
19 Blankets 9 Kettles a lot of Sewan, and 4 Muskets belonging to the Indians who were killed. 
Tliey returned on board with the plunder and foiu' prisoners, and arrived safe except one of our 
Soldiers who was bit in the leg by a rattlesnake. About 5 o'clock in the afternoon, I went with 60 
men to the river side, to bring up the booty and prisoners ; returned to the fort in the evening ; 
encountered no harm. 

13th ditto. Examined the Squaw prisoner and enquired if she were not acquainted with some 
Esopus Indians who abode about here ? She answered that some Cattskill Indians lay on the other 
side near the Sagers Kill, but they w-ould not fight against the Dutch ; says also that an Indian 
on the preceding evening before our people attacked tliem, had brought news from the fort of the 
Esopus Indians that many Dutch, English and Indians had gone from the Manhatans to the Esopus 
and that they should be on their guard, for the Hackinsack Indians had brought the news to the fort 
of the Esopus Indians. Then Long Jacob, the Chief who lived there with the Indians demsmded, 

1 Van Conwenhoven. • 


What should they do ? Should they fly toward their fort or not "? They theu concluded to remain 
there, for the Chief said. Were the Dutch to come to the Tort and we also were in it, we should be 
all slaughtered ; tis best for us to remain here on the opposite shore ; the Dutch would not learn 
much of us ; States also further, that the Indian had said that 40 Manissing Indians had arrived at 
their fort, and that 40 more were to come on the next day ; further says, that each night they 
conveyed the prisoners always to a particular place without the fort and remained themselves 
tlierein ; says also that they were resolved to make a stand in their fort, and that they had, moreover, 
in their fort 9 horses with wliich they di-aw palisades, and had sold a horse to tlie Mannissing Indians ; 
that the Indians had also three houses in which they reside, these were 4 hours farther off; says also, 
that one Sachem in the fort would advise them to negotiate peace, but the other Sachems would 
not listen to it ; says also, tliat the fort is defended by three rows of palisades, and the houses in 
the fort encircled by thick cleft palisades with port holes in them, and covered with bark of trees ; 
says that the fort is quadrangular but that the Angles are constructed between the first and second 
rows of palisades and that tlie third row of palisades stands full eight feet ofl" from the others 
towards tlie interior, between the two first rows of palisades and the houses, and that the fort stands 
on the brow of a hill and all around is table land. 

Sent also for M''. Gysbert's wife' and asked her if it were so 1 She answered, it was true, and said 
they had built a point near unto the water to secure it. Then again examined the Wappinger 
prisoner and asked, why he had aided the Esopus Indians ? Said it was not true and that liis mate 
the old Indian, had belied him. Asked him if he would guide us to the fort of the Esopus Indians 1 
Answered, Yes ; and says the Esopus Indians are about 80 warriors strong, but does not know how 
many have come there belonging to other tribes. Says also that the fort is defended with triple 
rows of palisades, as the Squaw had stated. Whereupon the council of war decided, firstly to await 
news either from above or below as to what the Mohawks had resolved respecting the prisoners — 
whether they could have them restored before our troops should proceed against the fort to achieve 
the self same thing. On the same day two detachments went out ; one to scout, the other on an 
expedition, but they returned in the evening, having seen scarcely any thing. 

14**' ditto. 50 men were out again in the woods behind the new burnt village and a scouting 
party, but hardly any thing occurred, nor was any thing seen. 

Ib^^ ditto. The Heer de Decker arrived here with Jan Da vets and 5 Mohawks ; had them con- 
ducted from the river side by 50 men and 10 horsemen. Nothing else transpired. 

16'" ditto. The Heer de Decker assembled the Council of War and it was resolved that Jan 
Da vets accompany the 5 Mohawks to the fort of the Esopus Indians to see on what terms the Christian 
prisoners will be restored, but after divers discourses Jan Davets declined going with them, although 
the Heer de Decker had, the day before, drawn up and prepared an Instruction for him, but before 
the time appointed he refused to go. Meanwhile it is resolved tliat the Mohawks should go 
thither, and they requested of us that they might take witli them some of our prisoners to present 
them to the Esopus Indians as a suitable intx'oduction to obtain some of their prisoners in return, or 
to induce them to surrender them. The Council concluded that a Captive Girl should be given to 
the Mohawks and about 63 guilders in Sewan in order to ascertain what they could accomplish thereby; 
for it was reported at Fort Orange, as the Heer de Decker informed us, that the Esopus Indians had 
said — If they could obtain payment for the land, named the Great Plot {het groote Stuck,) then 
they should give up all the prisoners. Now, it is impossible to determine whether this be so or 

1 She had been taken prisoner as before stated by the Indians on the burning of the Village of Wildwyck bnt had effected 
her escape — Ed. 


not. Meanwhile, the Mohawks who were going thither were directed to inquire about it, and they 
promised us to bring us an answer the next day about noon. Had 3 parties out in the interim ; one 
to the sliore to bring cattle, another for wood and a third, scouting. They returned all at tlie same 
time ; experienced no difficiilty. 

17'h ditto. Three parties were out in ambush, but saw nothing. 

18"' ditto. Six sloops arrived here from the Manhatans in which Juriaen Blanck brought up 
provisions for our troops ; had them conveyed up under a guard ; a party was also in tlie field to 
protect tliose reaping the Barley and a party lay in Ambush. They returned towards evening ; saw 

19"> ditto. Sent out 40 Soldiers and 10 Indians scouting, they did not meet any one. In the 
evening about 7 o'clock, the three Mohawks returned from the Esopus Indians. They had brought 
three Indians and two Dutch women and 2 Children whom they left about two hours from Wildwyck ; 
said, they had been freely given, and had they not been so tired, they should have brought them with 
tliem to the fort ; said the Esopus Indians had abandoned the fort, and had retired to the Mountains 
where they were mostly dispersed here & there hunting, 

20'!^ ditto. Sent Jan Davets with 2 Mohawks to the 3 Esopus Indians who were in the woods with 
the abovenamed prisoners, to see if he could get, and bring with him the four prisoners from here, 
and have a talk with the Indians relative to the other prisoners ; whether they will not restore tliese 
tons ; returned about noon with a woman whom one of the Mohaw^ks had fetched; but he, liimself, 
had not been with the Indians as one of the Mohawks had been taken sick and he was obliged to 
remain Avith him. In the afternoon one of the Mohawks returned thither, he took with him half a 
loaf for the prisoners who remained with the above mentioned Esopus Indians. Being come there, 
he asked the Esopus Indians whether they would not entrust tlie 3 prisoners to him to convey 
them to the Dutch ; whereupon they allowed him to take the 3 prisoners, with whom he arrived 
at the fort about 1 1 o'clock at night, but under promise as they informed us, that they should 
have in return their three prisoners whom we held. The prisoners told us that the Esopus Indians 
had fled to a higli mountain through fear of the Dutcli, and that they lay here and there in small 
bands, and that tlie prisoners were also distributed and dispersed among them here and there, and 
were not together and that tliey would not trust them in their fort, and that the Indians daily 
threatened them — Should the Dutch come thither, we will give you a Knock and Kill you all at once. 
Were thus a long time in terror. Meanwhile we had some scouting parties out, who returned liaving 
seen nothing — had also a party to cut barley ; came back safe. 

21^ ditto. Three Sloops have come from the Manhatans, with which a supply of provisions for this 
garrison has arrived in Rut Jacobsen's Yacht. Sent three convoys to the water side and parties to 
cut corn ; but they saw nothing. Sent for the 5 Mohawks and Jan Davets acting as Interpreter, 
informed them what insults the Dutch of Esopus had from year to year experienced and suffered 
from the Indians, and that tliey now even this last time, had murdered and carried off our people, 
when we had given them no provocation. Whereupon they answered. Come, give us a piece of 
duffels ; Ave shall afterwards go with it and see whether we shall not be able to recover all the 
prisoners. It was accordingly resolved by the Hcer de Decker and Council of War, that a piece of 
duffels should be brought up from the river side and given them ; wliich being done, they took the 
piece of duffels, cut it into three parts, and thus departed with it about 11 o'clock in the forenoon ; 
with them went Jan Davets with the Squaw and 2 children who had been captured by us and w ere 
released in exchange for the 2 Dutch women and 2 children whom the Indians had brought back. 

22^ ditto. A scouting party went out, but saw nothing. 


23<i ditto. A Party went to the river side to bring up supplies, and tluee, to cut and draw grain. 
Tliey experienced no interruption. 

24"' ditto. Sent for all the wagons to make a journey to the river side to bring up the provisions 
which had been sent hither by the Executive government ; but only 4 wagons came. As I required 
ten, I excused these ; Some refused to work for the Company ; some gave for answer, if another 
will cart I also shall cart ; some said, my horses are poor, I cannot cart ; others said, my horses have 
sore backs, and other such frivolous answers that I was thus unal>le, this time, to bring up the Com- 
l^any's stores. Wliereupon it was resolved by the Council of War^ that the farmers should not be 
furnished with any men for their protection in the fields, unless they would assist in bringing up the 
Company's Supplies from the water side. Nay, further — one Tjerck Claesen de Wit, himself a 
magistrate, would turn Lieut. Stilwil's Soldiers out of a small house they occupied — he said, he 
had hired it, though he had, notwitlistanding, neither possession of nor procuration for it, I gave him 
for answer, that I should remove them on condition that he, as a magistrate, would have them 
billetted in other houses as the men could not lie under the blue sky, and as they had been sent here 
by the Chief government for the defence of tlie Settlers. But he made no answer to this ; and so 
there are other ringleaders and refractory people in this place. Meanwhile the convoy which was 
ready to conduct the provisions, was dismist each to its own post until further orders. At noon I went 
with a troop of Dutch and Indians to tlie New Village where the Heer de Decker himself Avas ; met with 
no interruption. A party was also out with the reapers. In the evening Jan Davets and the 5 
Mohawks returned from tlieEsopus Indians — they brought with tliem a female prisoner ; they would 
not at present release any more prisoners, evinced great fierceness and repeatedly threatened to kill 
them, both the Mohawks and Jan Davets — told them they should not release any more prisoners 
unless they should secure peace thereby, and that Corlaer and Rentslaer should come to their fort, 
and bring goods with them to conclude peace and to redeem the prisoners ; said that they must be 
within ten days in their fort to conclude peace ; said, that they demanded a truce during that time. 
Jan Davets also informed us, that he had seen but 4 prisoners in the fort, and that the others were 
scattered far and wide ; says, there are about 30 warriors in the fort, and that the otliers dwelt 
without here and there ; they also said they were determined to make a stand in the fort, whereupon 
we have resolved to go in search of them on the first opportunity. 

25th ditto. The Heerde Decker left to-day for the Manhatans in the company's yacht, taking with 
him two of the woimded, and Jan du Parck, Surgeon, and two soldiers to take care of the sick ; two 
sick Indians left also ; sent along with them a convoy and 9 wagons to bring up the remainder of tlie 
goods. They returned and saw nothing. Also sent out two detachments with the reapers ; they did 
not remark any thing. Convened the Council of War and it was unanimously resolved to send out 
an expedition against the Esopus Indians, which should start the next day, if the weather were 

26'i» ditto. The following troops set out against tlie Esopus Indians, having as a Guide a woman 
who had been prisoner among them, to wit — of Captain Lieutenant Cregier's Company, 91 men ; 
of Lieutenant Stilwil's, 30 men ; Lieutenant Couwenhoven with 41 Indians ; ' volunteers from the 
Manhatans, 6 ; volunteers from the Esopus, 35 men, of whom 11 were horsemen, and 7 of the 
Honi^'e Company's negroes, with two pieces of cannon and two wagons, the whole party provided 
each with one pound of powder and a pound of ball, 2"js of hard bread and ^ a soft loaf, with 2'bs 
of pork and ^ a Dutch cheese ; left in garrison at Wildwyck 36 soldiers and 25 freemen. Marched 
out about 4 o'clock in the afternoon, and came in the evening about two great miles from Wildwyck, 

1 These Indians were of Long Island. 


where we remained until the moon rose. We tlien started anew, but could not march more tlian a 
long half hour on account of the cannon and wagons, which we could not get through the woods 
at night. We then bivouacked until day break. 

27"^ ditto. We got on the right road when day dawned and continued our march. On the way 
we passed over much stoney land and hills, and had to tarry at the swampy, long, broken and even 
frequent kills where we halted and must cut trees to make bridges to pass over, and divers moun- 
tains were so steep tliat we were obliged to haul the wagons and cannon up and down witli ropes. 
Thus our progress was slow. When about two miles from the Indian fort, sent forward Capt. 
Lieutenant Couwenhoven, Lieutenant Stilwil and Ensign Christiaen Niessen, with 116 men to surprise 
it. I followed, meanwhile, with the remainder of the force, the guns and wagons, but on coming 
within a short mile of the fort, found the way so impassable that I was under the necessity of 
leaving the cannon, as I could not get it farther. I left 40 men there and gave them orders to fortify 
themselves and set palisades around, which they did, and I followed the preceding troop with the 
remainder towards the Indian fort. On arriving tliere, found our people in possession of it, as it 
had been abandoned by the Indians two days before. Our Indians had caught a Squaw in the corn- 
field, whither she was coming to cut maize. Now the evening falling, for it was about 6 o'clock 
when we came to the fort, we passed the night there, having found 3 horses at tlieir fort. 

28"> ditto. The Council of War assembled at the breaking of the day and unanimously resolved 
to go in search of the Indians to the mountain where the above mentioned' female liad been a-prisoner 
and to take the captured Squaw along. Wliereupon Lieutenant Couwenhoven and Lieutenant 
Stilwil and Ensign Niessen were detached with 140 men, and remained in the fort with about 29 
men. The above named troops then set forth towards the mountain and arrived where the Indians 
had been they had left that place also. The captured Squaw being asked if slie did not know where 
the Indians had fled to, said they were on a great, high mountain, which she pointed out to them, 
distant about 2 miles, whither they had fled with the seven prisoners they had with them ; where- 
upon the ofiicers resolved to go to the other mountain in search of them, which they afterwards did 
with their troops, after experiencing vast difiiculty, but found no Indians there. The Squaw being 
again questioned whether she did not know where they were 1 said they had moved to another 
mountain, which she pointed out, about 4 miles from there, but there was no path thither. Being 
on the brow of the hiU our people saw 9 Indians coming towards them, whereupon they fell flat, 
intending thus to surprise the Indians on their approach, but they did not succeed, our people being 
noticed at a distance of about 2 musket shots. Eight of them ran off in an oblique direction, and 
the ninth attempted to run back to the place whence they had come. As our force was discovered 
on all sides, and even our Indians said that no savages could be caught at this time as they were 
every where fuUy informed of us, it was resolved to return to the fort, where they arrived about one 
o'clock. After they had taken some rest, I convened the Council of War to determine what was now 
best to be done. They unanimously resolved to cut down their corn and burn it, together with last 
year's maize, which they stiU had in pits in great abundance in their corn-fields and around their 
fort. Whereupon I went out of their fort with 50 men to a distance of a full half mile ; there cut 
down several plantations of maize, threw into the fire divers pits full of maize and beans, returned to 
the fort at sun-down and saw that divers Indians and horsemen found some pits with plunder in 
the vicinity of the fort, which they brought in. Meanwhile I had the whole party called together, 
and told them that all the plunder that was or sliould be found was to be in common, and was so 
understood by the Council of War before we started from our fort. Whereupon one of the liorsemen 
stepped out of the troop and said to me. What we've found we'll keep and divide among us horsemen. 


To whicli I said, tliat tliey should not do that, for they were under command. Whereupon the 
horseman, named Jan Hendricksen, answered — They are under the command of no man but Long 
Peter, wliom they, forsooth ! called their Cornet, and uttered divers unmannerly words in presence 
of all the officers. Upon which I gave him 2 or 3 slaps of a sword, and he seemed as if he would 
put himself in a posture against me. But I being close up to his body he could not act as he wished, 
and I said to him that I should bring him to an account. Tliis said Jan Hendricksen, with one 
Albert Heymans Roose, acted insolently on the 7"> July. Whilst we w^ere examining the two 
Wappinger Indians, in the presence of the Schout and Commissaries, in Thomas Cliambers' room a 
messenger came in and said that two or three boors were without the door with loaded guns to shoot 
the Indians when tliey came fortli. Whereupon I stood up and went to the door — found this Albert 
Heymans Roose and Jan Hendricksen at the door with tlieir gtuis. Asked them what they were 
doing there with their guns 1 Tliey gave me for answer, We wiU shoot tlie Indians. I said to 
them, you must not do that. To which they replied, We will do it though you stand by. I told 
them in return, to go home and keep quiet or I should send such disturbers to the Manhatans. 
They then retorted, I might do what I pleased, they would shoot the Savages to the ground, even 
though they should hang for it ; and so I left them. This Albert coming into the Council told the 
Commissaries that one of them should step out. What his intention with him was I can't say. This 
by way of memorandum. Meanwhile arrested Jan Hendricksen. 

2901 ditto. Four parties went out again to cut down the corn and to burn the old maize. About 
o'clock in the afternoon, Some Indians made their appearance on a liigh hill near the fort and 
called out to us, that tliey would come and fight us on tlie morrow wiiereupon we brought the captive 
Squaw out of the fort to speak to them, and they called out to her that they should now come and fight 
the Dutch, for the Dutch had now come and taken tlieir fort, cu.t their corn and burnt all their old 
maize and that they should die of hunger. I said to them, the Dutch had gone in search of you 
to the mountain but ye always ran away and dare not make a stand. But the Indians would not 
give any answer, and so went away. 

301'' ditto. We, in two large parties, each of 80 men, cut down all the corn and burnt tlie old 
maize which remained in the pits. Returned to the fort, all together, in the evening, and made 
preparations to set out in the morning. Meanwhile the Indians who the day before had called out 
that they would come & fight us, did not make their appearance. AVe cut down nearly one liundred 
morgens' of Maize and burnt above a hundred pits full of corn and beans. 

31*' ditto. In the morning at the dawn of day set fire to tlie fort and aU the houses, and while 
they were in full blaze marched out in good order, Capt Lieutenant Couwenhoven forming tlie van 
guard. Lieutenant Stilwil's Company the centre, and I with my company the rear guard. So arrived 
in safety at our fort about 9 o'clock in the evening with our cannon and wagons. Remarked 
scarcely anything on the way. Tlie road or course from Wildwyck to the fort of the Esopus 
Indians lies mostly south w-est, about 10 [Dutch] miles from our fort. 

1st August. In the morning heard two shots from the Redoubt on the river side. Sent off Ensign 
Christiaen Niessen with 50 men. He found there the Hon^'® Company's yacht in which the Heer 
Secretary van Ruyven had come. Had him escorted to the Village of Wildwyck^ and did notliing 
more as it was a day of Fasting and Prayer, 

2^ ditto. Nothing occurred as it rained during the whole day and night. 

3d ditto. The Heer Secretary departed on his return to the Manhatans, accompanied by 
Lieutenant Couwenhoven and the Indians being 41 in the whole, who would not remain any longer ; 

1 About 215 Acres — Ed. 


also 5 of the Hon'''« Comi>any's Negroes. Tlirougli great intercession and promise of better behavior 
in future, the Council of Avar pardoned Jan Hendricksen the faults committed by him and he is 
released from confinement Meanwhile I had two parties in tlie field with the reapers and one in 
Ambush. They saw nothing and returned in the evening. I this day sold, by public beat of drum, 
the three horses which we had brought with us from the Indians' fort. 

4th ditto. A Mohegan Indian came from fort Orange ; he had a pass from Monsieur Montagnie ; 
brought two letters, one to M^ Gysl)ert and one to Hendrick Jochems ; there was hardly any news 
in them except that they were longing to receive some intelligence relative to the condition of the 
Esopus. Convened the Council of war and invited thereto the Commissaries of the village Wildwycky 
and made this Ordinance and read it to the people, both freemen and military, and had a copy 
afiixed to each Beat or Post. It is, word for word, as follows : — 

" Ordinance made and enacted by the Captain Lieutenant and the valiant Council of war at 
present commanding the troops and Military in the Esopus or Wildwyck. 

" Whereas we learn by daily experience that many, as well military as freemen, are removing 
from the Village Wildwyck^ without the consent of the Capt Lieutenant and Commissaries of this 
Village, Therefore it is necessary that timely provision be made therefor, so that none may at any 
time fall into the hands of the j^arbarous Indians, our enemies ; And that families every day unne- 
cessarily waste and fire off powder and ball. Therefore the Captain Lieutenant and valiant Council 
of war, wishing to provide for and prevent all inconveniences and mischiefs which may arise there- 
from, have ordered and directed, as they do hereby order and direct. 


" Firstly^ That no one, whether military or freeman shall, without the consent of the Captain 
Lieutenant, Council of war and Commissaries of this place, depart from this Village of Wildwyck^ 
either in large or small bodies, whether to cut grain or for any other business whatsoever it may be, 
lest any of them may chance to fall into the hands of the barbarous Indians, our enemies ; and if any 
one remove beyond this village of Wildwyck without consent or proper convoy, whatever the 
business or occasion may be, he shall pay a fine of five and twenty guilders for the first offence ; for 
the second fifty guilders and for the third ofience an arbitrary punishment ; kndi should any one, 
in violating and disobeying this order, happen to be captured by the Indians, our enemies, no 
expence or trouble shall be incurred for him, inasmuch as he, by his perverse and stififnecked course, 
contrary to this Ordinance, will have brought down this misfortune on himself. 

" If any one unnecessarily & perversely waste or fire off his powder and ball, be it on the departure 
or arrival of convoys or otlierwise, he shall, for the first offence, pay a fine of three guilders for each 
shot ; for the second offence six guilders and for the third offence suffer arbitrary punishment, unless 
when desirous to discharge his gun, being out of order or wet, he shall ask permission therefor from 
his superior or inferior ofldcer. And for the better observance apd obedience of this ordinance, 
the Captain Lieutenant and Council of War hereby particularly and imperatively command all 
Superior officers, Serjeants, and Corporals to pay strict attention that this Ordinance be observed 
and respected. Thus done in the village of Wildwyck by the Captain Lieutenant, Council of War 
and tlie proper Commissaries of said village, on the 4th of August 16G3." 

Same date a letter is also sent by the Mohegan Indians to Cliristoffel Davids at fort Orange 


requesting him to be pleased to come down to tlie Esopus on important business which we should then 
explain and communicate to him. 

5'*i ditto. Thomas the Irishman arrived here at the Redoubt from the Manhatans. Meanwhile 
nothing was done as it was Sunday, and no detachments were sent out. 

6'*» ditto. Sent a party of 32 men to lie in ambush, and two detachments with the reaoers. They 
retui-ned in the evening ; perceived nothing. 

T-^ ditto. Three detachments were sent out with the reapers ; returned in the evening without 
having seen anything. 

8* ditto. Sent out Ensign Niessen with a detachment to lie in ambush behind the New Village 
whicli was burnt, and observe the Indians. Also two parties with the reapers. They came back 
in the evening without having noticed anything. 

9'h ditto. Three detachments were again sent out ; two in the field with the reapers and one in 
ambush. They returned towards evening having perceived nothing. 

10'^ ditto. Sent out two detachments ; one in the field with the reapers, the other in ambush 
behind the recently burnt village, under tlae command of Ensign Niessen. They came in towards 
evening without having observed anything. Some yachts also touched at the Redoubt bringing 
letters from the Manhatans which they left at the Redoubt and then sailed upwards for fort Orange. 

11 'h ditto. Received this morning the letters which the Yachts left at the Redoubt; had two 
parties in the field with the reapers ; they returned in the evening without having seen anything. 

12'h ditto. Sunday. Nothing occured except sending two convoys to the Redoubt to relieve the 
men who lay there and to bring up some stores withM^. Gysbert's wife coming from fort Orange who 
brings news tliat the Northern Indians had killed some Mohawks and a Mohegan, whereupon the 
Mohegans have obtained the consent of the Mohawks to build a fort. Nothing else occurred here. 

13th ditto. Sent out two detachments with the reapers and one to lie in ambush. Tliey returned 
in the evening ; saw nothing. On the same day is made & enacted by the Captain Lieutenant and 
tlie valiant Council of War the following Ordinance for the maintenance as far as possible of better 
order, and the observance and enforcement of discipline among the Mihtary, and read the same before 
the Military and freemen and affixed it at each post. It is word for word as follows : — 

*' Ordinance made aiid enacted by the Captain Lieutenant and the valiant Council of War 
commanding the Military in the Esopus and Village of Wildwyck. 

" Whereas some in this Village of Wildwyck who follow the trade of selling strong drink to the 
military suffer some of them to get drunk not only on week days but especially on the Lord's Rest 
and Sabbath day, unfitting them for their proper duties, & more especially creating confusion and 
disorderly conduct ; the Hon'^i^ Company's Servants not liesitating to sell, pawn and pledge their 
own necessaries for strong drink to the traders in intoxicating liquors ; the traders also receiving 
the same ; yea, even not hesitating to give them more credit and trust whether they have any thing 
to the good or not. Therefore the Capt. Lieutenant and valiant Council of War desirous to prevent 
as much as possible all disorders and mischiefs, have therefore ordained and directed as they 
hereby direct and ordain : — 


"That none of the military, be his rank whatever it may be, presume to sell or to pawn for any 
strong drink any of the stores advanced to him by the Hou'''^ Company on his monthly wages, for his 
needs and support, under a fine of one month's wages. 

Vol. it. 6 


" No one, whether military or freeman, following the business of selling strong drink, shall presume 
to take in pledge or endeavor to embezzle any property belonging to the military in exchange for 
strong drink, under the forfeiture of tlie tapped drink and to retui'n to the owner free of cost and 
charges the received property and pay in addition a fine of twelve guilders as often as he is discov- 
ered so doing. 


" All those who follow the trade of selling strong drink are further warned not to sell nor furnish 
any strong drink on the Lord's Rest and Sabbath day much less entertain any clubs, whetlier 
before or after the sermon on pain of forfeiting the strong drink tapped on that occasion, and in 
addition a fine of five and twenty guilders as often as they shall be caught in the act. 

" Those who sell strong drinky are also further warned they take heed not to sell any to the 
military either on credit or on account, be it in what manner it may be, on pain of not being paid 
therefor, unless on order of his superior olficer. Thus done by the Capt. Lieutenant and Valiant 
Council of War in the Village Wildwyck, this 13th August 1663." 

14"' ditto. Sent out fifty reapers to the burnt village, called the Great Plot, and sent with them 
about thirty wagons and Ensign Neissen with a convoy of Eighty men ; gave him orders to remain there 
all night with the reapers and binders, and the major part of the wagons and forty men per convdy. 
The remaining forty men returned to Wildwyck, and said Ensign with about one hundred and 
twenty men, as well reapers and binders as convoys, passed the night at the Great Plot because it was 
so distant, and they could not make up more than one sheaf for they could not begin the w^ork as 
fresh as they wished. Brought the grain to Wildwyck as soon as it was cut down. Kept six parties 
by the way in ambush to protect tlie said wagons. However nothing occured on this day. 

1 5*'' ditto. Brought more grain from the burnt Village wherefore I kept two parties in ambush 
and one with the reapers and two on the road for the protection of the wagons which went through 
and fro. Returned in tlie evening altogether ; observed nothing. 

16th ditto. Two parties are again sent out to the field with the reapers; came back in the 
evening without having seen anything. 

n^^. Two parties were again sent into the field with the reapers. Returned in the evening 
without seeing anything. The Heer Decker arrived liere at the Redoubt from fort Orange ; had him 
escorted to the Village Wildwyck, bvxt he did not tarry here long as his Honor was in a hm-ry to 
depart again. Had the said Heer de Decker escorted back to the river side and then he returned to 
the Manhatans. Nothing occurred this day. Gave three Englishmen leave to go to and return 
from the Manhatans. They belong to Lieutenant Stilwil's Company. 

18 111 ditto. Had three detachments again in the field with the reapers ; they returned in tlie 
evening ; saw nothing. The Council of War resolved and concluded to send a party three miles 
from Wildwyck to some plantations of Esopus Indians planted with maize ; whereupon Ensign 
Niessen was sent thither with fifty-five men. They went forth from Wildwyck about ten o'clock at 
niglit, and had a Dutchman named Jacob Jansen Stoutenborgh for a guide. 

19'h ditto. Was this morning with fifty men and sixteen wagons to the burnt Village to fetch 
grain ; came back to Wildwyck about eight o'clock. Did not see anything. About noon Ensign 
Niessen returned with his troop from the Indian maize land. Neither saw nor noticed any Indians. 
A-bout tliree o'clock in the afternoon Christoifel Davids came from the Manhatans in a canoe. 


Brought with him a letter from the Heer General, dated 14'h August, brought a^so a letter from 
Pieter Couwenhoven who lay with the Sloop in the Danskamer. > The letter was dated 17'h August, 
and addressed to me. Its contents were. That I should be on my guard for he was advised that the 
Esopus Indians together with the Manissings and Wappingers were prepared to attack and surprize 
our fort in about two days with four hundred men, and that they also daily threatened him in an 
insufferable manner ; he daily expected the arrival of the Sachem who had already been four days 
gone about the captured Christians to learn what he should then do and what should be the issue of 
it. But he had not received any intelligence in all that time. He also writes — That the Indians 
who lay thereabout on the river side made a great uproar every night, firing guns and kintekaying,^ 
so that the woods rang again ; and he hoped to be with me in two days. — His letter contains 
divers other circumstances. ChristoflFel Davids informs us, that he slept one night with the Indians 
in their wigwams — that some Esopus Indians and Sachems were there who had four Christian 
captives with them, one of whom, a female captive, had secretly told him, Davids, that forty Esopus 
Indians had already been near our fort to observe the reapers and the other people. Whereupon 
the Council of war resolved to send for the Sheriff, who being come, an order was handed him 
directing him to warn all the Inliabitants not to go from the fort into the fields without a suitable 
escort, as directed in the preceding Ordinance of the 4^^ August. Said Christoffel Davids also 
informed us, — that the Indians had on shore several bowls and gourds with brandy, which they 
obtained daily from the Sloops, as the Indians had informed him they could get as much as they 
required and whatever powder and lead they wanted. Now, we cannot determine what this may 
amount to, but this I understand tliat the woman who is on board the sloop with Lieutenant 
Couwenhoven brought four ankers of brandy with her from the Manhatans, but none of it came 
ashore here. 

20 "i ditto. Lietenant Couwenhoven arrived with the yacht at the Redoubt ; brings a Christian 
woman and boy with him ; says he gave about Eighty guilders for the youth, and promised to 
give our captive Squaw for the woman. Left ninety guilders in pledge for her ; the Council of War 
disapproved of his having promised the Squaw in exchange as such was not contained in the 
Director General and Council's Instruction to him. Says, the Indians promised him to bring in 
within two days, all the prisoners they had, and that he should return with her to them within that 
time. Says also, that two Mohawks coming from fort Orange in a canoe passed his yacht in the 
Wappingers Kill. They had full four hundred pounds of lead and over three hundred pounds of 
powder in the canoe. He would have them on board but they would not ; so they passed by. The 
Dutch woman, who had been taken prisoner, was brought to bed of a young daughter on entering 
the Esopus Kill. Nothing occurred during the day as it rained almost incessantly, and the farmers 
could not go out in the fields to reap or to bring in the grain. 

2P' ditto. The Council of War resolved to send Lieutenant Couwenhoven down again with the 
Sloop. I victualled the yacht and gave him five Soldiers additional for his defence ; also resolved to 
give him the two Indians and the Squaw which we had prisoners, but he is not to leave them out 

1 Six miles north of Newburgh, Orange co. Ed. 

2 The Delaware word, Gent'keh'n, to dance, seems to be engrafted here into the Dutch language. The term is also to be 
found in Van der Donck's Beschryvinge van Nieuw Nederlandt, where speaking of the amusements of the Indians, he saj-s — 
" The old and middle aged conclude with smoking and the young with a Kintecaw." N. Y. Hjst. Coll., 2d Ser. i. 204. 
Again in the Breeden Raedt we read, " The first of these Savages having received a frightful wound, desired them to permit 

him to dance what is called the Kinte Kaeye, a religious custom observed among them before death He then 

ordered him to be taken out of the fort and the Soldiers bringing him to the Beavers path (he dancing the Kinte Kaeye all 
the time). Ed. 


of Ills hands before we have our prisoners back. Furnished him also with an Instruction as to how 
he should act therein. It reads, word for word as follows : — 

" Instruction for Lieutenant Pieter Couwenkoven. 

" Whereas Lieutenant Couwenhoven, sent by the Honi^'e Director General & Council to release 
the Christians captured by the Esopus Indians, lay several days near the Wappinger Indians who acted 
as mediators in the affau", and as yet could not efiect much except releasing one child and a woman 
for which woman he promised to exchange the Squaw who had beeu captured by us, on condition tliat 
they should then bring all the Christian Captives to the river side and release them ; and also promised 
the Wappinger Indians to take down with him the two Indians whom we captured. The Council 
of War, therefore, resolved and concluded to surrender the two Indians & the Squaw, but on certain 
conditions and also by express order of the Heer Director General and Council, according to instruction 
accompanying the same, that no prisoners should go, or be released, unless we first had aU our 
Christians, prisoners, out of their hands. 


"Therefore, the said Council of War recommend and order Lieutenant Couwenhoven not to 
surrender nor give up any Indian or Squaw unless our Christian Captives be first released and 
exchanged and placed in oui- hands, but he is at liberty to promise the Indians, if they discharge all 
our prisoners and restore them to us, that they shall then again have and regain their prisoners, either 
in exchange or in some other manner as shall then be agreed to and arranged. 

" Should Lieutenant Couwenhoven see no probability of obtaining back, receiving or releasing our 
captives, and the Indians be obstinately opposed to the discharge or release thereof he may watch 
his time and opportunity to seize as many Esopus Indians as possible, either on land or by inducing 
them with fair words to go on board, according as opportunities shall then offer ; or if many Esopus 
Indians should come thither with the Christian Captives and refuse to surrender or give these up, 
he shall then endeavor to detain them on shore, whether by means of intoxicating liquors or by any 
other means he shall at the time judge most expedient, and then advise us immediately thereof by a 
yacht that may come there, in order that we may regulate ourselves accordingly as much as lies in 
our power so as to surprize and seize them. Done, Wildwyck, the 21^^ August 1663." 

Escorted said Couwenhoven to tlie Redoubt on the river's side and he sailed again to the Wappin- 
gers in the yacht. A party Avas also in the field with the boors ; they returned home without seeing 

22"*^ ditto. Sent out one escort with the reapers and two parties to lie in ambush, but it com- 
menced raining about noon and they came in. The rain came down in such torrents that the boors 
were obliged to take up the Bridge lest it be carried away as it was three weeks ago. It is to be 
feared that considerable grain will be destroyed in the field for want of reapers, in consequence of the 
great rain tliat has fallen, for a great deal of grain lies under water and tlie farmers on an average have 
not harvested above one fourth part of it. Nothing else occurred to day, except that the great rain 
carried away several of the palisades of the fort. 

23d ditto. Sent an Order to the Sheriff and Commissaries and directed them to have the palisades 
of the fort replaced. It reads word for word as follows : — 


" The Sheriff and Commissaries of this Village of Wildwyck are hereby ordered and directed to 
have replaced and repaired the palisades of this Fort, which were washed away by the water, and 
the same is urgently required. Done, Wildwyck the 23d August, 1663." 

The Answer of the Court of the Village of Wildwyck. 

The Court of this Village Wildwyck having seen and read this, find that it cannot be done at 
present, inasmuch as the grain in the field is almost ruined, and it is necessary to draw it home as 
soon as possible with the aid of all hands. Wildwyck, 23'' August, 1663, (was subscribed) Roelof 
SwARTwouT. Lower stood — ^By order of the Worshipful Court of the Village of Wildwyck, (signed) 

Mattys Capito, Secretary. 

Two detachments were out in the field witli the reapers ; did not remark any thing. 

24th ditto. Sent out two detachments with the reapers and one in ambush. They returned in the 
evening, having seen nothing. Received a letter at night fi-om Lieutenant Couwenhoven, which he 
had sent up from the Wappingers creek hy an Indian, a Dutchman and two captive christian children 
belonging to the wife of the gunner who was on board the sloop with said Couwenhoven ; and as the 
Indian told me he had given the captive Squaw, whom we had entrusted to said Couwenhoven, in 
exchange for these two children, without any hope of a general redemption ; and that he had so 
thoughtlessly and contrary to orders surrendered this Squaw for the two children on an uncertainty, 
not knowing whether he should receive another prisoner or not ; now let him defend himself to the 
Director General and Council. Said Couwenhoven's letter was to this effect : That he hopes to get 
all the prisoners, but that he should be in want of supplies ; for the powder he has is good for 
nothing, and the cry among the Indians is all for powder and brandy ; requests me to send him 
some, as it was for the public good ; that the Sachem had gone with five men into the interior, and 
had promised him to return with all the christian captives ; had given him the Squaw in order to 
succeed the better for us, and he had a fair prospect for a good delivery. In case it happened 
otherwise then he should acquaint me of it, and so forth, as appears by his letter. It is Dated the 
25'h August, but I received it on the 24"* August ; this happened through a mistake of his in 
writing. Domine Blom departed hence to-day, with his wife, for the Manhatans ; had him escorted 
to the river side by Ensign Niessen and forty men. Experienced no harm on the way. 

25* ditto. Sent down the Indian and the Dutchman again to the sloop lying by the Wappingers, 
with some bread. Also sent a letter to Lieutenant Couwenhoven, which reads as follows : " Good 
"friend. Lieutenant Couwenhoven. Your letter came to hand, and I have noted its contents. As 
" regards your surrender of the Squaw before you had in exchange all our prisoners, in my opinion 
" it is not well done. But you, yourself, must vindicate that act. In answer to your request for 
" Sewan and Brandy, I have none, as you well know, and the Council of War does not consider it 
" prudent to furnish our enemies with powder at this conjuncture. You promise to do your best 
" for our Christians in captivity, and to get these out of tlieir hands. Should you not succeed, you 
" will act according as you have been already instructed and told. I send you some bread and 
" request you not to go to the Manhatans, but first come here to take off" the sick and wounded. 
"You can see whether you will not be able to obtain some sewan and brandy from the passing 
" sloops, for if I had any and should send them to you, they would run great risk of being plun- 
"dered on the way by the Indians. Done, Wildwyck the 25"' August, 1663." Had three parties 
out ; two with the reapers and one in ambush. They returned in the evening having seen nothing. 

Se'h ditto. Two escorts were down to the river-side to bring up supplies and some soldiers' wives 


coming from tlie Manliatans ; a party lay in ambush behind the newly burnt village ; returned in the 
evening without having remarked any thing. 

27th ditto. There were two detachments with the reapers in the field and one in ambush, returned 
in the evening without meeting any thing. 

28'i» ditto. Had two parties again in the field and one in ambush ; returned in the evening 
having seen nothing. 

29'i> ditto. Two detachments were out again in the field with the reapers, and one in ambush. 
Saw nothing. A soldier of Lieut. Stilwil's Company was wounded by his Sergeant in some dispute 
respecting orders. Said soldier was arrested and afterwards examined by the court martial, and it 
was found that the Sergeant was as blamew^orthy as the soldier. The soldier, who is named Thomas 
Coeck, is condemned by the court martial to stand sentry with six muskets for the space of three 
days, and during one hour each day. 

30ti> ditto. Lieutenant Couwenhoven returned from the Wappingers at the Redoubt with the 
yacht, and arrived in Wildwyck witli liis people and the two Wappinger Indians, but released and 
liberated the Squaw there ; could not obtain any more Christian captives from the Esopus Indians. 
The Wappinger Sacliem had been with the Esopus Indians at their fort, (which they were erecting 
anew,) in order to ascertain if he could not obtain the release of tlie Christian captives. But when 
he had been two to three days with them in tlieir new fort, to negotiate with them respecting the 
prisoners, two Mohawks and one Minqua came there with Sewan and a long message, which ren- 
dered the Esopus Indians so ill disposed towards the Wappinger Sachem that they caused him to 
depart. He then returned without receiving any other Christian Captives. He came on board of 
Lieutenant Couwenhoven and told the same to him, and said Lieutenant reported it to me. Now, 
I cannot imagine Avhat there is in it. Convened the Council of War and they resolved and con- 
cluded to attack with one hundred and twenty men the Esopus Indians who reside in their new fort 
about four hours farther than tlieir first fort which we had burnt. We take with us as a guide one 
of our captured Wappinger Indians. Meanwhile issued rations to the people, and orders to start on 
the expedition this evening or to-morrow morning ; but as it began to rain in the afternoon we 
did not set out to day. Sent an Order to the Sheriff", Commissaries, and Superior officers of the 
Village of Wildwyck, which reads as follows : — 

" Whereas another expedition is on foot against our enemies, the Esopus Indians, the Sheriff", 
Commissaries and Superior officers of the Burghery are requested to furnish twenty horse men from 
the hired men {Knechts) of this village of Wildwyck to accompany the military in the attack on the 
Indians. Done, Wildwyck the 30th August, 1663." 

Answer of the Court to this Order. 

" The Court and Superior officers of this Village of Wildwyck having read the communication sent 
tnem by the Captain Lieutenant and Council of War have at their request convoked the farmers 
and read to them the aforesaid demand, whereunto they gave for answer that they were well dis- 
posed to do their best for the public interest, but find at present that the horses fatigued from the 
harvest, are unfit to be rode by men. The Court having heard this answer, hereby request the 
Captain Lieutenant and Council of War, if it can be possibly done without prejudice to the public 
Service, that the expedition be postponed for six or seven days until the harvest be completed as the 
grain yet in the field is already injured. Done, Wildwyck, this 30t'i August 1663, (was subscribed) 
RoELOF SwARTwouT. (Lowcr Stood) By Order of the Sheriff", Commissaries and Superior officers of 
the Burghery in Wildwyck (signed) Mattheus Capito, Secretary." Nothing else occurred to-day. ' 

3lst ditto. It rained somewhat all this day, therefore the expedition must rest for the present ; 


sent an escort to the river side and victualled the people at the Redoubt and Sloop. Asked tlie 
Slieriff and Commissaries, verball)', whether they could not get some liorses to accompany us in the 
attack so that we may be able to place tlie wounded on them if we happen to have any. After great 
trouble they obtained six horses from a few, but spiteful and insulting words from many. One 
said. Let those furnish horses who commenced the war. Another said, I'll give 'em the Devil — 
if they want any thing they will have to take it by force. The tliird said, I must first have my 
horse valued and have security for it ; and so forth with much other foul and unbecoming language, 
not to be repeated. 

Ist September. Thomas the Irishman and Claesje Hoorn arrived with their yachts at the Kill 
from the Manhatans ; sent an escort to tlie river side ; intended to set forth to day but the arrival 
of tlie yachts and the escort to the river side prevented this, and the weather was so lowering and 
threatened rain so much that we concluded to start next night towards the break of day ; but as 
it rained the whole night we could not set out. Nothing else occurred to day. A party was out in 
the field with the farmers, but nothing happened. 

2d ditto. Sunday. The weather continued lowering, and heavy rain fell. In the afternoon very 
heavy rain fell again so that we could not stir out. Nothing occurred during the entire day. 

S*! ditto. About one o'clock in the afternoon we started from fort Wildwyck, having of my com- 
pany two and twenty men ; of Lieutenant Stilwil's company, four and twenty men, and seven 
freemen, with two of the Hon'*'® Company's Negroes. We took as guide the young Wappinger 
Indian, and Christolfel Davids as Indian interpreter, and promised the Indian his freedom with a 
cloth coat, on condition that lie brought us truly to the Esopus Indians. We got eight horses with 
very great difficulty from the farmers, as they were so very unwilling and could not be brought to 
give us any horses, except Thomas Chambers, who, without any solicitation, presented me witli two 
for the expedition. Several of the others, who would not give any, used much olfensive language 
to the Sherifi" and to the company's officers, saying — " They will have horses ; tliey may see if they 
can get them." Marched that afternoon about three miles from our fort to the creek whicli runs past 
the Redoubt ; lay there that night, during whicli we had great rain. 

4th ditto. Found such high water and swift current in the Kill that it was impossible to ford it ; 
sent six men immediately on horseback to our fort Wildwyck to fetch rope and axes to make a raft 
or some other convenience to cross the creek ; they returned to us about ten o'clock ; brought three 
axes and rope. Passed tlie rope over tlie stream in order to liold fast to it so that the people may 
not be swept far down the creek. Crossed over with all the men about two o'clock in the afternoon 
and marched about four miles further on, where we bivouacked during the night. Considerable 
rain fell this afternoon. 

S**" ditto. Set out again at day break, and about noon came to their first maize field where we 
discovered two Squaws and a Dutch woman ; who liad come that morning from their new fort to 
get corn. But as the creek lay between us and tlie corn-field, though we would fain have the women 
it was impossible to ford the stream without being seen and then discovered. We therefore, adopted 
the resolution to avoid the cornfield and the road, and turned in through the woods so as not to be 
seen. Arrived about two o'clock in the afternoon within sight of their fort, which we discovered 
situate on a lofty plain. Divided our force in two — Lieutenant Couwenhoven and I led the right 
wing, and Lieutenant Stilwil and Ensign Niessen the left wing. Proceeded in this disposition along 
the hill so as not to be seen and in order to come right under the fort ; but as it was somewhat 
level on the left side of the fort and the soldiers were seen by a Squaw, who was piling wood there 
and who sent forth a terrible scream which was heard by the Indians who were standing and working 
near the fort, we instantly fell upon them. The Indians rushed forthwith through the fort townrds 


tlieir houses, which stood about a stone's throw from the fort, in order to secure their arms, and thus 
hastily picked up a few guns and bows and arrows, but we were so hot at their heels that they were 
forced to leave many of them behind. We kept up a sharp 6re on them and pursued them so 
closely that they leaped into the creek which ran in front of the lower part of their maize land. 
On reaching the opposite side of the Kill, they courageously returned our fire, which we sent back, 
so that we were obliged to send a party across to dislodge them. In this attack, the Indians lost 
their Chief, named Papequanaelien, fourteen other warriors, four women and three children, whom 
we saw lying both on this and on the other side of the creek but probably many more were 
wounded, when rushing from the fort to the houses, when we did give them a brave charge. On our 
side three were killed and six wounded and we have recovered three and twenty Christian prisoners 
out of their hands. We have also taken thirteen of them prisoners, both men and women, besides 
an old man who accompanied us about half an hour but would not go farther. We took him 
aside and gave him his last meal. A Captive Indian Child died on the way, so that there remained 
eleven of them still our prisoners. The enemy being conquered, we review^ed our men ; found W'e 
had one wounded more than w^e had horses. Convened tlie Council of War ; submitted to them 
what was now best for us to do relative to cutting down the maize. The Council of war decided 
that we could indeed cut it down, but were any more of our men wounded, how could they be 
removed having already one more than w^e had horses, and this one must be borne, with great trouble; 
on a litter by two. Resolved to let the maize stand for the present ; plundered the houses wherein 
was considerable booty, such as bear skins, deer skins, notassen, blankets, elk hides, besides several 
other smaller articles many of which we were obliged to leave behind that we could not bring along 
with us, for we could well fill a sloop. We destroyed as much as we could ; broke the kettles 
into pieces ; got also twenty four or five guns, more than the half of which w'e smashed and threw 
the barrels here and there in the stream, hacking and breaking in pieces as many as we could. 
Found, also, several horns and bags of powder, in all about twenty pounds ; got also thirty one 
belts and some strings of wampum ; took the best of the booty along and resolved to set off. Placed 
the wounded on the horses and had one carried in a blanket on poles by two soldiers in turns. Set 
out thus in good order on our return and marched that day full two miles from the fort. The fort was" 
a perfect square with one row of palisades set all round being about fifteen feet above, and three feet 
under ground. They had already completed two angles of stout palisades, all of them almost as 
thick as a man's body, having two rows of portholes, one above the other ; and they were busy at 
the third angle. Tliese angles were constructed so solid and strong as not to be excelled by 
Christians. The fort was not so large as the one we had already burnt. The Christian prisoners 
informed us tliat they were removed every night into the woods, each night to a different place, 
through fear of the Dutch, and brought back in the morning ; but on the day before we attacked 
them, a Mohawk visited them, who slept with them during the night. When they would convey 
the Christian Captives again into the w'oods, the Mohawk said to the Esopus Indians — What! do you 
carry the Christian prisoners every night into the woods? To which they answered — yes. Where- 
upon the Mohawk said, Let them remain at liberty here for you live so far in the woods that the 
Dutch will not come hither, for they cannot come so far without being discovered before they reach 
you. Wherefore they kept the prisoners by them that night. The Mohawk departed in the 
morning for the Manessings and left a new blanket and two pieces of cloth which feU to us also as 
booty ; and w^e came just that day and feU on them so that a portion of them is entirely anniliilated. 
Wlierefore praise and thanks be given to God Almighty. Tlie course hes about South South West 
to the Indians new fort which is distant about 12 miles'. The way is somewhat stoney and hilly, 

1 This lineleadsto about Bloom inbiirg, in the town of Mamakating, Sullivan Co. in the vicinity of which village it is presumed 
the above battle was fought. Ed. 


but tlie road for the greater part is good. After leaving their fort we marched that day two miles 
where we passed the night. Perceived the Indians on the road. 

6"i ditto. Early in the morning we started anew ; were obliged to cross a rapid, stoney creek, 
and came this day just beyond tlie Esopus Kill, which runs by the Redoubt, where we remained 
this night, and tliere died the Indian child, which we threw into the creek. Saw scarcely any 
Indians that day on the road. 

T^h ditto. Started again and arrived about noon at Wildwyck; did not remark any thing by the way. 

8'^. An escort attended the reapers in the field ; returned in the evening without having seen 
any thing. Christoffels Davids departed. 

9th ditto. Sunday. Lieutenant Stilwil and Lieutenant Couwenhoven left for the Manhatans with 
the sloop ; sent with them seven wounded and some sick, together with seventeen of Lieutenant 
Stilwil's men and twelve of my company; had them escorted to the river side. Nothing else 
occurred to-day. 

10'*» ditto. Two detachments were out with the reapers and those driving the teams. Nothing 
occurred. They returned about three o'clock in the afternoon, as it commenced raining hard and 
tl^ey saw nothing. 

11th ditto. Nothing new ; it rained the entire day. 

12"' ditto. Two yachts arrived at the Redoubt from Tort Orange ; had Reyntje Pietersen and 
Hans Carolussen escorted up ; detached a party in Ambush and one in the field with those 
pulling Hemp, but nothing happened. 

13"' ditto. Nothing occurred as it rained the whole day. 

14"' ditto. Sent an escort to the Redoubt by the river side. Nothing else transpired, as it rained 
again nearly the entire day. 

15* ditto. Maet Seeu arrived at the Redoubt with his boat and eight soldiers and some letters 
from the Heeren Councillors, dated 13''' September. Had him conducted up to the village of 
Wildwyck. An ordinance is enacted by the Council of War ; it reads as follows : 

" Ordinance made and enacted by the Captain Lieutenant and valiant Council of War Commanding 

the Military troops at Wildwyck in the Esopus. 

" Whereas it is found by daily experience that several of the military do, without permission of 
the Serjeant or Corporal, leave their posts or stations either to work with the farmers or on some 
other pretence, Wlierefore the Captain Lieutenant and valiant Council of War being desirous to 
provide therefor, have ordered and directed, as they do hereby order and direct-:- 


" That no one shall presume to quit his post or station without permission of the Segeant or 
Corporal in command, under the penalty of twenty stivers for the first otfence, 40 stivers for the 
second, and arbitrary punishment for the third. 

" No person shall presume to take or steal anotlier's gun, powder or lead in any manner what- 
soever, on pain of corporal punishment, according to the gravity of the case. 


"Neither shall any person, be he who he may, commence or begin any quarrel on guard, much 
less come drunk or to drink tliere, under a penalty of twenty stivers for each offence. 

Vol. IV. 7 


" Every one shall hold himself in readiness with his gun, duly provided with powder and ball, 
to appear immediately, or on the first command of the superior or inferior oflficer, wherever he 
may be required, then to await further orders, and whoever acts contrary or disobeys herein shall 
be arbitrarily punished according to his deserts, pursuant to the sentence of the Court Martial. 


" No one shall go from one guard or post to another without taking with him his proper hand 
and side arms, so tJiat he may be immediately prepared to defend himself in case of alarm, under 
a penalty of twenty stivers for each offence, and as often as he shall be found disobeying herein. 
Thus done by the Cap* Lieutenant and valiant Council of War, in Wildwyck, this 15 Septem- 
ber, 1663." 

Nothing else occurred, inasmucli as it was again rainy weather. 

16'h ditto. Sunday. Nothing occurred and no detachment was sent out. 

17th ditto. Maet Seeu left again with his boat ; took with him two sick, Peter Andriessen and 
Jan Coppenou and two horses for Monsieur Verlet and sundry empty barrels for the Hon'''*' 
Company ; had him escorted to the Redoubt by 32 men. Thomas the Irishman arrived to day, -at 
the Redoubt and a small straw cabin in which a soldier resided was burnt, but nothing can be 
ascertained as to liow the fire originated. Meanwhile the Soldier lost all his property. Notliing 
else occurred this day. 

18'h ditto. Presented the following request to the Magistrates of this village of Wildwyck : — 
" Whereas the Heer Director General and the Heeren Councillors have written to us here that it ig 
their intention to send hither, by the first opportunity, additional Soldiers and a party of Marseping 
Savages, ' to seek out and subdue as much as possible the Esopus Indians, our enemy, the Captain 
Lieutenant and Council of War, therefore, request the Sheriff and Commissaries of tliis village of 
Wildwyck to be pleased to allot two or three houses in this village to lodge, provisionally, the 
aforesaid force whenever it shall arrive. Tins doing, our friendship shall follow. Done, Wildwyck, 
IS"! Sepf 1663." Answer of the Court as follows : — " The W. Court having looked around at the 
request of the Capt. Lieutenant and Council of War for proper lodgings for the coming forces, have 
induced Pieter Jacobsen to give liis null for 40 to 50 Soldiers, and the W. Court will do its best 
to find out quarters for the Savages Done, Wildwyck, this 18"' September 1663. (was subscribed) 
RoELOF SwARTwouT. (Lowcr stood) By order of the W. Court in Wildwyck aforesaid. Mattheus 
Capito, Secretary. Two detachments were out, to day, with the reapers in the field and at the Great 
Plot, and 20 men in ambush. Returned in the evening ; saw nothing. 

IGt"* ditto. Thomas the Irishman sailed for the Manhatans ; had him escorted. Two detachments 
were out in the field with the reapers, but saw nothing. 

20"* ditto. Two detachments were out at the Great Plot by Tjerck's to cut oats and to plough ; 
they returned in the evening having seen nothing. 

21 «' ditto. Two detachments went out again; one with the ploughers, the other with those 
drawing home the oats, but they did not see any thing. 

22^ ditto. Another detachment was out in tlie field with the ploughmen ; saw nothing. Sent a 
party about midnight along tlie Kill where some maize lay ; distant South from Wildwyck about 2 
hours' march ; hut on arriving i\\eve found only a small patch of maize, as it had all been plucked 
by some straggling Indians or bears. Our people took away tlie remainder, but 'twas of little 

1 These were Queens Co. Indians. Thompson calls them Marsepeagnes, and says their principal settlement was at Fort 
Neck. Ed. 


« • 

value." The Indian prisoners wliom we hold had first informed us, to day, that a small spot of 
corn had been planted tliere principally to supply food to stragglers who went to and fro to injure 
tlie Christians. Should they come again they'll not find any food. 

23'' ditto. Sunday. Nothing particular. Towards evening sent a convoy to the river side to 
bring up bread for the garrison. About eleven o'clock that night gent out a party to the Sager''s 
little kill in an easterly ' direction from our village of Wildwyck about three miles from our fort, 
having been informed that there was some maize- there, to see if they could not remove it thence, 
either by land or water. 

24"* ditto. Monday. The party that was sent out in the night returned home about two o'clock 
in tlie afternoon ; tliey were at Sager\<t Killetie, on the Indians' maize plantation, but saw no Indians 
nor any thing to indicate that they had been there for a long time, for the maize had not been hoed, 
(aangehoochf) and could not come to its full growth, but had been much injured by the wild beasts ; 
neither will any of it reach perfection, except one plantation which was good, having been hoed by 
the Indians. 'Twas, however, much injured by the wild beasts ; each of our people brought a 
load of it home on his back, and left some more standing, which we will when convenient bring 
hither. They also say that it is beautiful maize land, suitable for a number of bouweries and for 
the immediate reception of the plough. Had an escort in the field to bring in the oats and buck- 
wheat, and sent one to the Redoubt, as Domine Blom had arrived in tlie Spaniard's yacht, and some 
supplies had also been sent from the Manhatans by the Heeren Councillors for the troops in the 
Esopus. Otherwise, nothing particular occurred to-day. 

25*'' ditto. Had an escort in the field with the ploughmen, and sent one to the river side to fetch 
up supplies or provisions. A soldier named Jurien Jansen fell out of a canoe at the Redoubt and was 
drowned ; he was reaching for a squirrel and the canoe thus upset and he was drowned. Nothing 
else occurred to-day except sending some horses and wagons to fort Orange wliich were required 
by the owners. 

26''' ditto. Lieutenant Couwenhoven arrived at the Redoubt and Wildwyck with some Marseping 
Savages. Sent a detachment to the water side to fetch up some supplies. Inasmuch as Lieutenant 
Couw^enhoven has arrived at Wildwyck, and the gunner's wife has again brought a quantity of 
strong drink along, which she retails as well to Indians as to Christians, without making any exception 
as to habitual drunkards, and furnishes them with so mucli that they cannot distinguish even the 
door of the house, and then, coming out, fight with and strike the Indians. Therefore, desirous to 
prevent all mischiefs which might arise from strong drink, the rather as an expedition is again about 
to set out, according to letters from the Supreme Council, and in order to have sober and proper men 
to march at the first command of the ofl&cers, the Cap' Lieutenant and valiant Council of War have, 
for the present, sent an order to the Sheriff of this Village, whicli reads as follows — " The Cap' 
Lieutenant and valiant Council of War having orders from the Supreme government to get up 
another expedition, and the entire military, and the Natives our friends, the Marseping Indians, 
being here also holding themselves in readiness to set out at the first command of the officers. The 
Capt Lieutenant and valiant Council of War do therefore hereby authorize and order Sheriff Swart- 
wout of this village to notify and forbid the tappers or retailers of strong drink who follow the 
profession of selling liquor in this village, that they do not under present circumstances sell strong 
drink to any one, be he Christian or Indian, under the forfeiture of the intoxicating liquor tliat 
may be found in his house. Done, Wildwyck, 26*'' September, 1663." Meanwhile, nothing else 
occurred to-day. 

1 Oostlyck. This mnst evidently be an error, as they could not go 3 Dutch or 9 Englisli miles from Kingston, in an 
easterly direction. It is presumed that " northeasterly " was intended, in which direction Saugerties lies. Ed. 


27*'' ditto. An escort was in the field with the ploughmen and one to the river side to fetch up 
provisions. Notliing else happened. 

28"' ditto. The Council of War engaged Derrick Smith to remain at the Redoubt with his yacht 
until we return with the troops from the expedition, in order to carry back the forces and Marseping 
Indians, and agreed with said Smith that he shall have in Seawan eight guilders light money per day. 
A detachment was out in the field with the ploughmen ; 10 to 12 of our Indians were out in the bush 
shooting. They returned in the evening ; say that they have discovered signs of where the Indians 
are gone to. Nothing else occurred to day. 

29*'" ditto. Convened the Council of war and resolved and concluded to set out on another 
expedition against tlie Esopus Indians next Monday being the l^' of October, and each man shall 
be furnished with tliree pounds of biscuit, one pound of powder and one pound of ball for the 
expedition. An order is also given to the Sheriff and Commissaries as follows — " Whereas by orders 
from the Director General and Council of New Netherland an expedition is about to set out against 
the Esopus Indians, our enemies and sixteen horses are required to accompany and to be used by 
said expedition, the Capt. Lieutenant and Valiant [Council of War,] therefore request the Sheriff" and 
Commissaries of this Village of Wildwyck to supply said horses from the inhabitants by the first of 
October proximo, being next Monday. Done, Wildwyck the 29"' September 1663." A detachment 
was in the field with tlie ploughmen, and one to tlie ri^er side ; Saw nothing. 

SO'"* September, Sunday afternoon, "caused powder and ball to be distributed to the soldiers and 
Indians ; one pound powder, one pound lead each, with three pounds biscuit for this expedition. 
Noticing else happened to day, 

l*t October being Monday, we marched from Wildwyck with these following troops ; of the 
Military 102 men ; of the Marseping Indians 46 men ; of the freemen 6 ; with 14 horses obtained 
from the farmers of Wildwyck for the use of the expedition so as to be able to accommodate the 
wounded, should we have any. Marched with these troops about 9 hours and arrived in the evening 
about 7 miles from Wildwyck where we passed the night. Experienced scarcely any trouble tlu'ough 
the day ; had considerable rain in tlie night. 

2"'! ditto. Started again with our troops and about two o'clock in the afternoon came to the fort 
of the Esopus Indians wiiere we had attacked them on the 5^^ September and there found five large 
pits into which they had cast their dead. Tlie wolves had rooted up and devoured some of them. 
Lower down on the Kill were four other pits full of dead Indians and we found, futher on, three 
Indians with a Squaw and a Child tliat lay unburied and almost wholly devoured by the ravens 
and the wolves. Sent but, immediately a party of Dutch men and Indians four miles beyond the fort 
in a South westerly direction wliere our guide presumed some Esopus Indians Avould be, but on 
coming tliere discovered nothing but some wigwams wliicli had been a long time abandoned by the 
Indians, Meanwhile I had been over the Kill with a party of men and pulled off" the corn and 
threw it into the Kill. The troops returned in tlie evening without having seen any Indians. 
About two miles from the fort perceived the trail of two Indians who had gone across the moun • 
tain ; supposed to be strange Indians ; The trail was a day old. 

S^ ditto. Early in the morning despatched a party of soldiers and Indians into the woods to see 
if they could not find any Indians ; sent a detachment again over the Kill to pull up the maize 
and throw it into the Kill. In the afternoon sent two other detachments into the corn fields to 
throw the maize into the creek, as the corn which stood about the fort was all thrown into the Kill 
by the evening. After sundown our party returned, without having captured or discovered any 

4"* ditto. We pulled \ip the Indian fort and threw the palisades, one on the other, in sundry 


heaps and set them on fire, togetlier with the wigwams which stood around tlie fort, and thus the 
fort and houses were destroyed and burnt. About 10 o'clock we marched thence down along the 
creek where lay divers maize plantations, w^hich we also destroyed and cast the corn into the creek. 
Several large Wigwams stood also there which we burnt. Now, having destroyed every thing, we 
marclied that day, on our return, about four miles further, Avhere we remained with the troops that 
night by a small creek, the rain falling the entire time. Two Hackinsack Indians who had come up 
with tlie Marsepings staid beliind at the fort. They told the Chief that they should return home 
from thence, as they could reacli Hackinsack as soon as Esopus ; but the Chief did not mention it 
to us until we had marched back some two miles. These two Indians had, each, a gun from the 
Esopus, which they took away with them. 

Sill ditto. Still raining incessantly ; but we again resumed our homeward march to Wildwyck. 
This night one of the farmers' liorses strayed away ; searched for it tliis morning every where, but 
could not find it. Meanwhile continued our march, and arrived in the evening at Wildwyck. Saw 
nothing on the road. The course from Wildwyck to the Indians' burnt fort lies mostly South 
Southwest across several large creeks, some of which are breast-high, some not so deep. The way is 
very bad and hilly ; in some places is very fine land. 

6'^'' ditto. Had two escorts to the river side ; nothing else occurred to-day. 

7"* ditto. Sunday. At break of day sent out forty soldiers with twenty Indians to the Sogers 
Killelje, lying easterly [Oostwaerts) from Wildwyck, where there were two fields planted with maize, 
for the purpose of destroying this and throwing it into the creek ; they returned in the evening 
each with a load of maize having thrown the remainder into the creek. About noon, to day, a girl 
was brought up from the Redoubt who, the day before had arrived on the opposite bank there and 
was immediately conveyed across [the stream]. When the girl came to Wildwyck she was forthwith 
asked, where she came from 1 Said, she had escaped from an Indian who liad taken her prisoner, 
and who resided in the mountain on the other side of the creek about three miles from Wildiiyyck 
where he had a hut and a small patch of corn which he had pulled and had been there about tliree 
weeks to remove the corn. The Council of War forthwith resolved to send thither forty men to try 
and catch him, whereupon Ensign Niessen with 36 soldiers and Lieutenant Couwenhoven with 5 
Indians w'ere ordered out. They marched from Wildwyck about noon and crossed over at the 
Redoubt. They reached the hut about sunset which, having completely surrounded, they surprized, 
but found it empty. The Indian had abandoned it before their arrival. They found a lot of corn 
near the hut, and another lot at the kill, part of which they burned and brought a part here. Remained 
in the hut during the night and watched there. 

S^*" ditto. About ten o'clock the troops returned to Wildvnjck. Convened the Council of War 
and resolved and concluded to send off Lieutenant Couwenhoven and the Marseping Indians and 
about forty of our soldiers to the Manhatans on tlie morrow being the ninth of October. The 
Council of War also resolved to send down all the Indian prisoners likewise to tlie Manhatans being 
eleven Esopus Indians, big and little and one Wappinger, making twelve in all, as there is no 
probability of their being redeemed here, none of the Esopus Indians coming here to speak to or 
enquire after them. Nothing else occurred to day. 

9"' ditto. Lieutenant Couwenhoven depai-ted in Dirick Smith's yacht, took with him all the 
Marseping Indians and 40 of the military. Sent no escort to the river side with them. Nothing 
else happened The horse which we left on the expedition returned back to Wildwyck to day. 

lO'h ditto. A detachment was out in the field with the ploughmen — they returned about noon as 
it began to rain hard. Louis, the Waloon, went to day to fetch his oxen wliicli had gone back of 


Juriaen Westphaelen's land. As he was about to drive liome the oxen, tliree Indians, wlio lay in the 
bush and intended to seize him, leaped forth. When one of these shot at him ^Yith an arrow but 
only slightly wounded him, Louis, having a piece of a palisade in his hand, struck the Indian on the 
breast witli it so that he staggered back, and Louis escaped through the kill, and came thence and 
brought the news into the fort, whereupon two detachments were instantly despatched to attack 
them, but they had taken to flight and retreated into the woods. And although a party searched for 
them an hour they could not discover them; they thereupon returned to Wildwyck. No other harm 
was done by the three Indians. This evening the Company's yacht arrived at the Redoubt. 
Nothing else occurred to day. 

ll'h ditto. Two detachments were in the field with the ploughmen and one in ambush; 
returned in the evening without seeing any thing. 

12th ditto. Two parties were again in the field with the ploughmen. About noon, to day, 
Reyntje Pieters came from fort Orange with his yacht in which also arrived Thomas Chambers and 
Evert Pels. Brought news that Peter the Fleming, residing on the East shore opposite Bethlehem 
had been warned by a Mohawk to depart if he wish not to be killed, for he said that all the Indians 
on the East side of fort Orange river had assembled and were to come in five days to attack fort 
Orange. This Indian had given him this warning, he being his great JVytap ' and the Mahicanders 
and the Cattskill Indians had all abandoned their maize plantations ; yea, had offered to sell divers 
maize plantations to the Dutch for a piece of cloth. Peter the Fleming brought this news to Fort 
Orange on Monday, being the 1^^ of October, the day before he left fort Orange with the yacht. 
Now, the result hereof time will determine. I also received a letter from Cattskill, from Elbert 
Herbertsen which I enclose to your Honors. It is dated 26'h September. In like manner Capt 
Thomas Chambers informs me that many of the Dutch of Fort Orange are removing in canoes the 
corn from the Indians' plantations which had been abandoned by the Indians. This Mohawk had 
also said that five Indian Nations had assembled together ; namely the Mahicanders, the Catskills, 
the Wappingers, those of Esopus besides another tribe of Indians that dwell half way between Fort 
Orange and Hartford. Now, time will tell what there is herein. He said their place of meeting 
was on the east side of the fort Orange river, about three miles inland from Claverack, and that they 
were about five hundred strong. Sent two escorts to the river side to fetch up the HoniJi^ Com- 
pany's goods. They returned to Wildwyck together with the detachments that had been out in the 
field with the ploughmen. Saw nothing. 

13 ditto. The Company's j^acht returned to the Manhatans; the same day two yachts also 
arrived from the Manhatans and sailed for fort Orange, after having touched at the Redoubt. A 
detachment was out in the field with the plough men and one in ambush, and I sent an escort to 
the river side. The beer sent up by the Heer General was likewise distributed, to day, to the 
soldiers. Nothing else occurred. 

14th ditto; Sunday — nothing to note except that I sent a convoy in the evening to the river side to 
drive up some cattle which had arrived from Fort Orange. 

15 ditto. Communicated another Order to the W. Court relative to the non repairs of the 
fortress of Wildwyck. It is verbally as follows : 

" Whereas an Jicte dated 23^ August has been communicated to the Schout & Commissaries of this 
Village Wildwyck respecting the repair of this fortress of Wildwyck and nothing resulted therefrom 
to this date, the Capt. Lieutenant and Council of War do, therefore, again recommend and order the 
W. Court of this Village of Wildwyck to cause the said fortress to be properly secured by the 

1 An Algoukin word meaning, " Friend." Ed. 


Commonalty of this Village against all unexpected attacks as necessity requires it, and the fort lies 
open at divers points as the W. Court can itself see in what state it at present is : Wherefore the 
W. Court of this Village of Wildwyck is again condescendingly requested to be pleased to giv« 
orders to repair the above mentioned fort in a proper manner, and in default thereof the Capt. 
Lieutenant and Council of War do hereby protest, should any attack be made by our enemies on 
this fortress, that they hold themselves guiltless thereof, this fortress being at present incapable 
of defence — and there appears no disposition as yet to repair it — although the said Capt. Lieu- 
tenant and Council of War will perform their duly with the force entrusted to them by the Supreme 
Government and shall constantly hold themselves in readiness, both in garrison and in the field, to 
maintain this place for the public interest, trusting that the W. Court will please to give order herein 
to their Commonalty for the proper reparation thereof, which awaiting &,c. Done, Wildwyck Ib^^ 

8ber 1663." 

Two convoys were out in the field with tlae ploughmen and one in ambush ; saw nothing during 
the day. Hans the Norman arrived at the Redoubt witli liis yacht from fort Orange ; reports that full 
seven thousand Indians had assembled at Claverack, on the east side, about three miles inland, but 
he knows not with what intent. Now what this can mean, whether it be true or not, we cannot 
determine, but in my opinion it looks somewhat like fiction. Meanwhile, nothing else occurred. 

le*"! ditto. Two detachments were again in the field with the ploughmen, and an escort was also 
down to the river side. They returned and nothing else happened. 

17'h ditto. Two detachments ,were again abroad with the ploughmen, and likewise one in 
ambusli and had another as an escort to the river side. Nothing occurred to-day. An Ordinance 
was, this day, drawn up by the Council of War for the Soldiers at the Eedoubt and posted there. 
It reads as follows : 

" Ordinance made hy the Capt. Lieutenant and Valiant Council of War commanding 
the military troops at Wildwyck, and dependancies, for the military stationed at 
present at the Redoubt. 

'' Whereas by daily experience we learn that some remove from the Redoubt to the village of 
Wildwyck without the consent or order of the Capt. Lieutenant or other officers, the Capt. Lieutenant 
and Valiant Council of War, therefore, wishing to prevent all irregularities and infractions of 
military discipline herein order and direct the officer and the military under his command stationed 
at the Redoubt, not to remove himself, from the Redoubt, much less to send any of his command 
hither to the Village of Wildwyck without proper consent of the Capt. Lieutenant or other Com- 
mander who represents him for the time, nor without being accompanied by a proper escort on pain 
of being arbitrarily punished by Court Martial. Thus done by the Capt. Lieutenant and Valiant 
Council of war in the fortress Wildwyck the 17th 8^^^, 16G3." 

18"' ditto. Received an answer from tlie Court of this village to the Order sent to them the IS^h 
October, respecting the non-repair of the fortress Wildwyck. It reads as follows : 

"The W. Court having read the order dated the 15'h Sber^ sent hither by the Cap* Lieutenant 
to the W: Court, which is therein requested to repair and renew the palisades of this Village of 
Wildwyck, so that the same may be in a state of defence, the W. Court finds that necessity requires 
that this village be properly secured and protected by setting up of good palisades ; the W. Court, 
therefore, orders and directs that each farmer shall duely set up and repair the old, with new, 
palisades in front of liis lot ; and the others, being inhabitants or Burghers occupying 34 lots in 
this village, shall be obliged properly to repair and set up new palisades in place of the old, from 
the Water gate along the curtains unto the lot of Arent Pietersen Tack, the new palisades being 


at least two feet in circumference, but the tluclcer tlie better, and 13 feet in length, according to the 
circumstances of the case to be determined by the W. Court. This renewal and setting up sliall 
commence next Monday, being the 22<^ October. Wherefore every inhabitant is hereby notified to 
appear at 7 o'clock on the day aforesaid, at the gate near Hendrick Jochemsen's, there, as his name 
is called, to proceed to work aforesaid, and to continue at it until the same shall be completed, on 
pain, in case of neglect or unwillingness, of paying for the first offence three guilders ; for the 
second offence double as much, and so on adding three guilders. Thus done at the Court of the 
Sheriif and Commissaries of this village Wildwyck, this 16ti» October, 1663, (Under written) By 
order of the Sheriff and Commissaries aforesaid. (Signed) Mattheus Capito, Secretary. 

Two detachments were out in the field to-day with the ploughmen, and one at the Redoubt by 
the river side. Nothing else was done to-day. 

19'h ditto. Two detachments were out again with the ploughmen, and one to the river side ; a 
party was, also, in ambush to make some discovery ; but did not see any thing. 

20* ditto. Three detachments were out in the field again with the ploughmen, and one in 
ambush, but did not remark any thing. An escort was also down to the river side at the Redoubt. 

21 st ditto. Sunday ; nothing occurred. 

22d ditto. Three detachments were again out with the ploughmen, and one in ambush as 
scouting. An escort was Ukewise sent down to the river side ; they did not see any thing. 

23'3 ditto. Three detachments were again out with the ploughmen, but saw nothing. 

24'h ditto. Two parties were again out in the field witk the ploughmen, and I was until evening 
with a party in ambush, but did not perceive any thing. 

25"" ditto. Two escorts were again in the field with the ploughmen, and one to the river side. 
Nothing happened. 

26 'I' ditto. An escort was in the woods with those cutting palisades, and another party was in 
ambush, but saw nothing. 

27th ditto. An escort was in the field with the ploughmen, and one in ambush, and another to 
the river side. Nothing else was done. 

28*h ditto. Sundav. Nothing occurred. 

29^'' ditto. Two parties were out; one with the wood cutters, the other in ambush — ^but saw 

30t'' ditto. A detachment w^as in the woods with those cutting palisades, and a party to the river 
side, and also a troop in the woods scouting ; did not see any thing. 

3lst ditto. Gerrit Abel w^as tried before the Valiant Court Martial for his offence committed on 
the 29"' October and is sentenced by the Court as follows : — 

" Whereas Gerret Abel being in command at the Redoubt, hath in contravention to the ordinance 
dated 17'*' 8''*'' enacted by the Valiant Council of War and posted at the Redoubt, proceeded to the 
village of Wildwyck on last Monday the 29*'' October, without leave, escort or any necessary business, 
but merely to get drunk, as actually happened, which being notified to the Capt Lieutenant, he 
caused him to be placed under arrest, and to be tried this day, 31st October, before the Valiant 
Court Martial and prosecuted for tliis his committed offence, for which the Capt Lieutenant demands 
the Valiant Council of War duly to punish the accused Gerret Abel. 

" The accused gave as an excuse for his coming here to Wildwyck that he w^anted to get a skepel 
of wheat ground, and as it could not be immediately ground for him, he was to a friend's with 
whom he drank half a pint. And the accused having heard the charge aforesaid, acknowledges to 
have transgressed the ordinance above mentioned, and supplicates herein, not justice, but mercy. 

" The Valiant Council of War having maturely considered this matter ; that a soldier and more 


especially one who is in command over otliers hath deserved punishment for his committed offence 
according to tlie complaint and confession ; seeing tliat the prisoner's excuse hath no foundation, 
sentence the accused Gerret Abel, to be dismissed from his post of Cadet [Adelhorst) and to be 
reduced to the ranks {Schildergastendienst te doen) at 8fl. per month, and to remain at the Redoubt 
until further orders, he Gerret Abel being unfit to perform the duty of Cadet. Done at Wild wyck 
the 31*' October 1663. (Subscribed) Marten Cregier, Christiaen Niessen, Thomas Chambers, Evert 


Same day, a detachment was out in the woods with the wood cutters and one in ambush scouting, 
but they did not see any thing. 

November the 1^'. A party was in ambush, and a detachment with the wood cutters ; saw 

2nd ditto. A detachment was out with the wood cutters and another in ambush to scout. 

3d ditto. A detachment was down at the river side to carry rations to the people at the Redoubt, 
and another party was at the Great Plot, but did not notice any thing. 

4t*» ditto. Sunday. Nothing done. 

5'^» ditto. An escort was dow^n to the river side to bring up some supplies and people that had 
arrived from the Manhatans in Lucassen's yacht, tliey being freemen belonging to Wildwyck. A 
party was also out in the bush with the wood cutters. Nothing else happened. 

6<^ ditto. Ordered two soldiers to accompany Arent Moesman to Beeren island n«ar fort Orange. ' 
An escort was also to the river side and being near the Redoubt lay there in ambusli until the eve- 
ning, but saw nothing. Another party 25 in number was at the Great Plot ; they returned in the 
evening, without having remarked any thing. 

7* ditto ; Wednesday. This being a day of Prayer (Bededag) nothing was done. In the evening 
Pieter Wolfertsen arrived at the Redoubt with Rut Jacobsen's yacht ; brought with him two 
Christian children which he had in exchange from the Esopus Indians for a Squaw with a big girl : 
brought back the other Indian prisoners ; brought also the Wappinger Sachem whom Couwenhoveu 
had detained in the yacht ; says a Christian woman is kept a prisoner by the Wappingers, and that he 
had detained tlie Chief in her stead until they should surrender the Christian woman. Nothing else 
occurred. Sent an escort to the river side to bring up the two captive children. Couwenhoven 
said that he has concluded a ten days' truce with the Esopus Sachem. 

S'^i ditto. Have been, myself, with an escort to the river side to bring up to Wildwyck the Esopus 
Indian prisoners & the children with the Wappinger Indian captive, being in all 9 in number. On 
arriving at the shore, found the Wappinger Chief and also one of his Indians on board Rut Jacobsen's 
Yacht. Asked Lieutenant Couwenhoven, what were these two Indians for? Said it was the Sachem 
of the Wappingers with one of his Indians whom he had brought along but not as a prisoner — had 
come willingly on board as a friend. Asked him, If he would wish to return home and endeavor 
to let us have the female christian captivel To which he answered, yes ; says, he will bring her 
himself in six or seven days. Whereupon the Council of War decided that he and the Indian with 
him, should be released, and as they were at present our friends and had renewed peace we promised 
him if he brought back the Cliristian woman we should then let his brother go together with another 
prisoner. Whereunto he said, 'Tis well ; gave him a bark canoe & let him go. Nothing else hap- 
pened to-day as it rained unceasingly. 

9^ ditto. It stiU rained considerably. Sent an escort to the river side ; Rut Jacobsen sailed with 
his Yacht for fort Orange. Nothing else happened. 

1 Tliis island is opposite Coeymans. Ed. 
Vol.. IV.. 8 


lOf* ditto. A detachment was out with the wood cutters ; nothing else occurred. 

ll*'" ditto Sunday, nothing was done except sending a party to tlie river side with bread for the 
people in the Redoubt. 

12''' ditto. A detachment was out in the bush with the woodcutters. Nothing else transpired. 

1-3'" ditto. The Company's Yacht arrived ; brings some provisions for the garrison ; also arrived 
at the Redoubt a Wappinger Sachem with eight Indians, bringing a female Christian Captive whom 
he had purchased from the Esopus Indians and which he had promised us on the 8*^^ inst. on board 
Rut Jacobson's Yacht. The Council of War resolved that he and his attending Indians should be 
brought up to Wildwyck; they were accordingly conducted up by Lieutenant Couwenhoven and 
Captain Thomas Cliambers and brought to Wildwyck. Sent for him to the Council of War and asked, 
what lie had to communicate? He answered, I am come to perform my promise which I gave on 
board the Yacht at the Redoubt, to bring in the Christian Woman whom I bought from the Esopns 
Squaw, and I bring and present her to you now, because we are both friends. Whereupon we 
thanked him and said, tliat we should speak together on the morrow. Lodged them in Capt. Cham- 
bers house and had food furnished them. Meanwhile a detachment went down to the river side. 
Otherwise nothing occurred to-day. 

14"' ditto. The Council of War met again and resolved to release the Wappinger Indian, and to 
give him back to the Chief with one of the Esopus captive Squaws, pursuant to our previous 
promise, made on the eight of November to the Wappinger Chief, on board the Yacht at the Redoubt. 
Invited tlie Chief and his Indians into the Council chamber and presented him the Esopus Squaw 
and a little sucking infant, which they took ; presented him also with two pieces of cloth in token 
of friendship. The Cliief then requested that we should live with him in friendship, which should 
be preserved by him. He gave us, in token thereof, a Bow and arrow and said, I wiU not make war 
against the Dutch, but live in peace with them. We promised him likewise ; gave each other tlie 
hand, and the said chief promised us to do liis best to obtain back for us all the prisoners from the 
Esopus Indians that a mutual exchange should be made ; for to morrow being Thursday, the Esopus 
Sacliem would then come with the prisoners according to the promise he gave Lieutenant Couwen- 
hoven and the provisional truce agreed upon for ten days witli him, for he had promised to fetch 
the Christian prisoners to the Redoubt in the space of ten days, to be then exchanged one for the 
other. Now, what the result will be, when the ten days are expired, time will tell. So they again 
departed well satisfied. Gave tliem an escort to conduct them to the river side, and the Council 
resolved that the sloop shall remain until the expiration of the time agreed upon between Lieutenant 
Couwenlioven and the Esopus Sachem on the 5*-'^ November, on board the Sloop in the Wappinger 
Creek, to wit : that the Esopus Chief should bring up all the Christian prisoners to the Redoubt to 
exchange them then, one for another, whereupon a ten days' truce was mutually agreed to. A soldier 
named Jmien Helm died to day. An escort was also down to the river side. Nothing else occui-red 
to day. 

1 5*^1 ditto. A vessel arrived from fort Orange with cattle; sent a convoy to the river side. 
Nothing else happened. 

16tii ditto. Another detachment was down to the river. A yacht bound for the Manhatans 
arrived from fort Orange to day. Nothing else occurred. 

17tii ditto. Arranged every thing in order and departed with some of the Military for the Man- 
hatans leaving iu Wddwyik about sixty soldiers under the command of Ensign Christiaen 

* That part of the Journal between Asterisks, whicli follows, is by En.sign Niessen. Ed 


18'^ Sunday. After Capt Lieutenant Martin Cregiers departure yesterday, Jan Hendricksen Van 
Baal came the fourth person up to Wildwyck. He arrived from the Manliatans in M'. Abra- 
ham's' yacht and reported that two Dutchmen were killed by the Savages between Gemonapa" 
and the Maize land. Had them escorted, on their return, to the river side. Nothing else occurred. 

19ti» ditto. Sent another party to the Redoubt and liad provisions brouglit up. ' Discliarged one 
man at the Redoubt and sent two others thither ; also, distributed powder to the men, half a pound 
to each. Nothing else done. 

20''ii ditto. Sent a detachment to the woods to draw out timber. This was all that occurred. 

SP' ditto. Nothing happened. 

22'' ditto. Sent a detachment to the river side. Otherwise nothing occurred. 

23d ditto. The only thing done to day was to send another party to the river side with grain. 

24*11 ditto. T!ie yachts of Reyndert Pietersen and the Spaniard arrived at the Redoubt ; sent an 
escort thither. No other occurrence took place. 

25*1' ditto. Sunday. Nothing happened. 

26*1' ditto. Sent down an escort to the river side to fetch up the Hon^i^ Company's supplies. No 
other circumstance occurred. 

27*1' ditto. Sent another convoy to the river side to take down grain. Otherwise nothing happened. 

28*h ditto. About one o'clock in the afternoon a Wappinger Indian came to Wildwyck with a 
flag of truce ; reports that a Wappinger Sacliem lay at the river side near the Redoubt with venison 
and wished to have a wagon to convey the venison up for sale, which was refused. The said Indian 
told me tliat the Sacliem had not much to say ; added further, that the Hackingsack Indians had 
represented that four of the Esopus Indians prisoners in our hands, had died. Wliereupon the Indian 
prisoners were brought out to the gate to him, to prove to him that they were still living and well. 
Sent him down inmediately, to his Sachem at the river side, to say to him that we should come to 
him to morrow. 

29*i» ditto. At day break had notice given that those who were desirous of purchasing venison from 
the Indians should go along with the escort to tlie river side. Accompanied the detachment to the 
shore and conversed with the Sachem in the presence of Capt Thomas Chambers and Sergeant Jan 
Peersen. He said, he had been to receive the Christian prisoners and should have had them with 
us before, had he not unfortunately burnt himself in his sleep when lying before the fire ; shewed us 
his buttock with the mark of the burn which was very large ; Also said, tliat six Christian Captives 
were together at the river side, and gave ten fathom of Sewan to anotlier Indian to look up the 
seventh Christian who is Albert Heyman's oldest daughter, promising us positively that he should 
restore all the Cluistian prisoners to us in the course of three days, provided it did not blow too liard 
from the North ; otherwise, he could not come before the fourth day. We, then, parted after lieliad, 
meanwhile, sold his venison. He left immediately in his canoe. 

SO*!!. Sent an escort to the river side with grain. Notliing else occurred. 

P* December. The only circumstance that happened to day was the sending away the three 
Indians with a letter to the Hon*''* Heer Director General and Council of New Netherland, to whom 
the following was written in haste. 

" Noble, Respected, Right honourable. Wise, Prudent and most discreet Lords — 

"To be brief, we could not omit advising Your Honoius that tliree Indians arrived here yesterday, 
being come, as they said from the Manhatans, with an open letter, being a pass not to commit any 
liostility against their people to this date. But we cannot determine what sinister design these 

1 Abraham Staats 2 Xow Communepaw X. J. 


Indians may have recourse to under cover of this pass. We maintain jtbat such and other Indians 
resort here with such passes, to spy out this our place. Meanwhile, we being on our guard, placed 
sentinels every where before them, to prevent them passing througli the village to examine and pry 
into it, as they are strongly inclined to do. In the meantime we inform your Honours that on the 
day before yesterday the Wappinger Sachem came with venison to the Redoubt, and we liave liad a 
talk with him, and he prorasied us, among other things, to bring us hither all the Cliristian jirisoners, 
within three or four days, according to the entries in cur daily journal which Your Honors shall 
receive from us by the first Yaclit. Done, Wildwyck this first December 1663. (Was subscribed) 
Christiaen Niessen, Thomas Chambers."' 

2^! ditto. Sunday. Nothing happened, except that on account of the hard frost, I requested the 
skippers of the vessels to go down to the Redoubt to examine their Yachts which they consented to 
do. In the afternoon, after the Sermon, sent a party to the shore to take down grain and to put it 
on board. 

S^i ditto. The military Council having met, the following resolution was adopted : — 

" Ensign Christiaen Niessen proposes to send down, pursuant to despatches from the Hon^i® 
Director General and Council, the saddles, pistols, holsters & carbines, the best whereof was left by 
Capt. Lieutenant Martin Cregier and remains with the Clerk, Mattheus Capito, as appears also by 
letters from the Capt. Lieutenant aforesaid together with the three metal guns and their accou- 
trements as they were used in tlie field, and also one sail. 

" The Military Council decided that it was impossible, in view of the approaching winter, to 
send tlie articles down at present as here at Wildwyck we have no smith sufficiently expert to 
repair the arms, and as the Wappingers come almost daily under pretence of exchanging Christians, 
to spy out this place which already hath suff'ered massacre enough, and consequently, if tlie articles 
in readiness were sent away (which would be publicly seen by other tribes of Indians) two massacres 
(which God forbid!) may occur through want of all adequate means, save God's Providence. 

" 2"»iiy. The Ensign aforesaid moves, inasmucli as the setting out of the palisades is found as yet 
to be for the greater part inadequate and not in accordance with the Capt. Lieutenant's request, 
and as in many places palisades liave been removed from the curtains and not replaced by others, 
much less attention paid to setting out tlie same, to -the imminent ruin and destruction of this 
Village of Wildwyck, Avhich God forfend ; and demands further that the inliabitants of Wildwyck 
may be notified by the W. Court to put the fort in a suitable state of defence within the space of three 
days, and in default or neglect thereof, tliat he do it with the best meaus he may at present find at 
hand, and demand repayment therefor wlien done, from tlie W. Court at Wildwyck. 

" The Military Coimcil unanimously resolved that for the due execution of said proposal, it be 
forthwith communicated to the W. Court in Wildwyck, and that they answer the same without 
delay. (Signed) Thomas Chambers, Hendrick Jochems, Jan Peersen, Evert Pels, Jonas Rantsou, 
Walran du Mono, Antonie delava." 

Also, sent a convoy down in the morning witli grain to the river side, which on returning 
brought up the Wappinger Sachem and his wife, and Splitnose, tlie Indian last taken by us. Which 
Sachem brought with him two captive Cliristian cliildren. stating to us that he could not, pursuant to 
his previous promise of the 29''i November, bring along with him tlie remainder, being still five 
Christian captives, because three were at their hunting grounds, and lie could not find them, but 
that another Indian was out looking for them ; the two others are in his vicinity, tlie Squaw wlio 
keeps them prisoner will not let them go, because she is very sick and hath no children, and exi)ects 
soon to die ; and when he can get Albert Heymans' oldest daughter, who is also at the hunting 
ground, and whom he hath already purchased and paid for ; then he shall bring the remainder of the 


Cliristian captives along. For the two Cliristian children which he hatli brought with him, an Indian 
child is given him, being a little girl, and three pieces of cloth, with which he was content. In the 
afternoon, Jeronimus Ebbing, Nicolaes Meyer and Frederick the Hon^'e Company's late carpenter, 
went down unescorted to tlie Redoubt, with six wagon loads of grain, not being willing to wait for 
the writings and letters wliich should be sent by them to the Heeren Director General and Council 
of N. Nether land ; and the Skipper Lucas Andriessen, also, said that he would not wait for the 
Director General's nor any man's letters but be off, as the wind was fair.* 

19tii ditto. About three o'clock in the afternoon we started from the Manhatans for the Esopus 
in the Hon^ie Company's Yaclit, with a W. S west wind ; arrived that night at Ta[ppan]hook,' 
where we cast anchor as it was calm and the ebb was running against us. 

20t'> ditto. Weiglied anchor about eiglit o'clock and drifted upward with the flood, but about 10 
o'clock the wind came up from the North — so that we could make sail and weathered the Highland 
to day, where we came to anclior anew, as tlie' flood was again gone ; saw an Indian paddle across 
the river in a canoe, but he was a full half mile from us. Notliing else occurred to day. 

21st ditto. The flood set in about two hours before day ; ran through the Highlands ; having got 
through which, we caught a soutliern breeze but at day break it became calm again ; so ran by the 
Kamer and arrived this night about 10 o'clock at the mouth of the Esopus Kill. Despatclied a man 
up with a note to Ensign Nyssen to send down some wagons in the morning with an escort to 
convey up the Hon^'^ Company's supplies which were sent for the garrison. 

22''. About 9 o'clock the escort arrived at the beach Avith the wagons; entered the kill with 
the yaclit in order to discharge the goods ; remained this night in the kill in front of tlie Redoubt ; 
it froze during the night so hard tliat the yacht was hemmed in by the ice ; arrived at Wildwyck 
about noon ; sent a convoy to haul stone. 

23'' ditto. Sunday. No business. 

24* ditto. Monday. Assembled the Sheriff" and Commissaries of tlie Village Wildwyck and 
handed them the letter sent to them by the Hon^ie Director General and Council and discharged 
Sheriff" Swartwout from his office and put [Mattlieus Capito] provisionally in his place and pre- 
sented him to the Court of Wildwyck according to order, whom the said Commissaries congratulated 
and w'ere well pleased with ; they promised honestly to obey what the Heer Director General and 
Council have been pleased to order. A party was sent to the Great Plot to cut oats which hap- 
pened to be late in ripening, as an opportunity now presented to cut it and draw it home. The 
farmers tlirashed some of it also, and the vijm [a hundred and four sheafs] produced five skepels 
of clean oats. 

25* ditto. Tuesday. Nothing happened except that Reyutje Pieters came from the river side ; 
he informs us the kill at the Redoubt was stiU fast. 

26* ditto. No occurrence. 

27* ditto. A party was out on tlie Great Plot hauling stone ; nothing else occurred. 

28* ditto. The Captain and Lieutenant of the Burghery of Wiltwyck requested to have a drum 
according to the promise given them by the Heer General. By permission of the Military Council a 
Drum and appurtenances were given to the officers of the burgliery of Wildwyck. A party was 
down to the river side to see if circumstances would admit of the sloop leaving the kill. The party 
returned and stated that there was no way as yet to go out of the kill. 

28th. The officers of the Burghery presented a petition ; it reads as follows :— We the under- 

• Capt. Cregier nqw resumes and concliulcs tlie Journal. — Ed. 

1 Q«. — What is now Tcller'.s point. I 


signed, Tomas Cliambrets Captain and Hendrick Jochems, Lieutenant of the Burgliery in Wildwyck, 
hereby request the Honi^ie Vahant Heer Marten Kregier, Cap* Lieutenant to be pleased to furnish 
a keg of gunpowder with lead in proportion on the village account, to be distributed and used in 
time of need for the safety of this place, and we await your Hon^s favorable answer. Done 
Wiltvyyck this 28'^ Xber 1663. (Signed) Tomas Chambers, Hendrick Jochems. The answer thereto 
is as follows — Petitioners' request is granted. Whenever tliey require it at the public expense or 
for their own defence, it shall be furnished them from the Hon^"'* Company's Magazine by the officer 
who will be here. Done, Wiltwyck this 28ih December, 1663. 

29"' ditto. The Military Council resolved to issue an Ordinance against the gunners who usually 
run about firing on New Year's day or night, which was also published and affixed. It reads as 
follows : — 

" Whereas we find by Experience that some persons presume from year to year to discharge guns 
on the day of the new^ incoming year thus wasting powder unprofitably both in the morning and 
throughout the day and sometimes to the great danger of each other and to their own destruction, 
both in wounding or destroying their ow^n persons w^hich frequently occurs therefrom; and whereas 
there are here many ricks and barns full of grain and straw, and as great disorder and rashness 
prevail in many places especially on this day, both in the morning and througliout the day, by firing 
of guns which is practised and prevails more particularly in this place on the above mentioned 
New Year's day ; Therefore the Captain Lieutenant and valiant Council of War order and forbid all 
persons wliom it may concern that no one shall presume on New Year's day, being the first of 
January to discliarge any gun or other fire arms in front of any houses or any other places where it 
is not absolutely necessary, unless for some approaching enemies, and that under the penalty of 
six guilders for each shot fired by tlie person. Both the Sheriff" and military officers are ordered 
to pay strict attention hereunto so that tliis our order may be duly obeyed. Thus done and enacted 
,by the Captain Lieutenant and Valiant Council of War in Fort Wiltwyck this 29'i> Xber 1663." 

Have been down with a party to the river side to bring away the guns and other munitions of 
war. Nothing else occurred. 

30 'h. Sunday. Nothing done as it rained almost the entire day and the kill became again open. 

31st. Left the Esopus again in the Hon^ie Companys Yacht for the Manhatans, the Avind 
Southerly. Weathered tlie Long Reach Avhere we came to anchor in the night about twelve o'clock. 

1664. 1st January. The wind continuing southerly, tacked to-day as far as the entrance of the 
Highlands where we anchored about 9 o'clock in the evening ; the flood being spent weighed anchor 
and passed through tlie Highlands where we again cast anchor. 

1^. Weighed anchor again, and drifted with the ebb as far down as Tappaen. 

3<^. Having weighed anchor again, drifted down anew with the ebb to the end of Manhatans 
island, wiiere we made sail about 8 o'clock in the morning, the wind being westerly, and arrived 
about twelve o'clock at the Manhatans. Martin Kregier. 








Translated from the Dutch Original 

BY MR. C. 



*,• In the year 1649, delegates were sent from New Netherland to Holland to oTstain redress of various grievances of 
which the Colonists of the day complained. A number of representations were made by the complainants as well as by the 
government. Of these Van der Donck's Vertoogh and Secretary Van Tienhoven's answer, have been published in the 
Collections of the N. T. Hist. Soc, 2d. Ser. ii. The " Breeden Raet," or Full Information to the United Netherland 
Provinces, is another of the publications called forth by the same circumstanc«i It was printed at Antwerp originally in 
1649. It consists of a Dialogue between eight persons and appears to be a strong attack on the administrations of Directors 
Kiefl and Stuyvesant. A brochure, made up of Extracts from this work having recently appeared in Amsterdam, a copy 
was obtained for the State Library which is now reprinted. Hitherto, the work has been unknown to bibliographers, and its 
very high price — ^the booksellers demanding two hundred and fifty dollars for a complete copy — will exclude it for some time, 
we fear, from general circulation. Ed. 


B. Passing over several minor abuses, in order to come to the tyrany which ruins the whole 
country, you must know that Governor Kieft had for a long time secretly intended to begin a war 
witli the savages of New Netherland, because they had refused, on reasonable grounds, to give him 
a certain contribution, alleging they were not obliged to give it to the director, or to the Dutch : 

1. Not for the sake of tlie soldiers, since tliey did them no service, in case of war with other 
tribes ; for that they crept, together like cats upon a piece of cloth and might be killed a thousand 
times over, before news could be got to the fort, which was at a great distance from them ; still less 
that they could be delivered or seconded in time by its soldiers. 

2. Further, that they had allowed us to remain peaceably in their country, that they had never 
demanded a recompense from us, and that, for that reason, we were under obligations to them, and 
not they to us. 

3. Item, that when our nation, having lost a ship there had built a new one, they had supplied 
them wdth victuals and all other necessaries, and had taken care of them for two winters, till the 
ship was finished ; consequently we were under obligation to them, not they to us. 

4. For that reason they asked why they should supply us with maize lor nothing, since they 
paid as much as we asked, for every thing they came to purchase of us. 

5. If we, said they, have ceded to you the country you are living in, we yet remain masters 
of what we have retained for ourselves. 

Have we not supplied you Swannekens (i. e. Germans or Dutchmen) on your first arrival here 
and when you had no mochols (i. e. ships,) with provisions for two whole winters, and had we not 
you would have died of hunger 1 

The delegates from all the savage tribes, such as the Raritans, whose chiefs called themselves 
Oringkes, from Orange, the Hacquinsacks, the Wappenas, Hogelanders, Wicquasgecks, Reckewacke, 
Mereckewacks, Tappanders, Massapeins, Zinkeeuw, and others, had got as many objections to make, 
as there were points to discuss. They, however, separated peaceably, contenting themselves with 
giving us no contributions nor asking any from us. Director Kieft, seeing himself deprived of this 
contribution which he was very greedy of by so many reasons, and also because it would disgrace 
him in the eyes of his countrymen, invented other means to satisfy his insatiable avaricious soul. 

E. Well, skipper, how did all that end 1 

B. When in the year 1643, about Shrovetide, the savages were surprised by some other tribes 
(which were too powerful for them) and obliged to retreat they took refuge in our territory, not 
suspecting they had any thing to fear from us. About the same time there was a feast at the house 
of Jan Janssen Damen, at which the director, in a significant toast, communicated his intended 
attack on the savages to three inconsiderate boors, viz : Maryn Adriaensz, Jan Jansz and Abraliam 
Plancy, who presented a (pretended) request, composed by secretary Tienhoven, to the governor, 
begging him to allow them to take revenge on the savages, who killed the servant of Mr. v. 
Nederhorst, which crime had not been punished ; this retribution being necessary to maintain the 
reputation of our nation. 

K. Was that true ? 
Vol. IV. 9 


B. I will tell you sir. A certain savage chief named Hacquinsacq, who was considered as heedless 
even by the savages themselves, having been intoxicated witli brandy by our men, being asked 
whether he was able to make a good use of his bow and arrow wlaen in that state, in reply pointed 
his arrow at a certain man called Gerrit Yansz, a servant of the deceased Mr. van Nederhorsts, 
whom he actually killed, asking whether he was able or not. To revenge this man's death several 
savages liad been killed, and our people were again in peace with them ; so that at the time the 
director ordered this massacre, the same tribe who had killed the deceased Mr. v. Nederhorsts 
servant, liad been visited some weeks before by the director himself, and supplied with all necessaries ; 
this pretent was tlierefore altogether a specious one. 

K. Was it then in the power of one man to begin a war or massacre for that 1 

B. That it might appear plausible, they had such a petition presented ; to which, on Feb. 25. 
1643 was answered that they authorised Maryn Adriaensz, with his company, to make an attack on 
the Savages, camped at Curler's plantation, and to treat them as time and circumstances required. 

E. Wlio ever gave such an authorisation ? Wlio could have been the author of that authorisation? 

B. Why secretary Cornelius van Tienhoven, who is now returned home to make a report on New 
Netherland ; the same who had, composed the petition. 

C. A child might see that that was but a pretext. The secretary deserved to be torn to pieces 
by four horses as a traitor ; and as for the three boors, according to law they had forfeited their 
lives. In the mean time were the settlers warned to be on the alert, that they might not run any 
risk either by assistance or resistance 1 

B. Nobody at all was warned but the three before mentioned. The settlers were not so much as 
thought of The secretary himself went to reconnoitre the camp of the savages the day before the 
attack, and if the settlers had known what was intended, supposing there had been reasons for it, not 
one of the savages would have escaped ; but if, as was really the case, there had been no reasons, 
the director A^ould never have been able to commit such a murder, if even he had such traitors as 

J. By what I understand of the affair, the secretary is the principal cause of what followed. 
But how did they proceed ? 

B. Between the 25 and 26 Febr. 1643, at midnight 80 and odd savages were murdered at Pavonia, 
by 80 soldiers. Young children, some of them snatched from their mothers, were cut in pieces 
before the eyes of their parents, and tlie pieces were thrown into the fire or into the water ; other 
babes were bound on planks and tlien cut through, stabbed and miserably massacred, so that it would 
break a heart of stone : some were thrown into the river and when the fathers and mothers 
sought to save them, the soldiers would not suffer them to come ashore but caused both old and young 
to be drowned. Some children of from 5 to 6 years of age, as also some old infirm persons, who had 
managed to hide themselves in the bushes and reeds, came out in the morning to beg for a piece of 
bread and for permission to warm themselves, but were all murdered in cold blood and thrown 
into the fire or the water. A few escaped to our settlers, some with the loss of a hand, others of a leg, 
others again holding in their bowels with their hands, and aU so cut, hacked and maimed, that 
worse could not be imagined ; they wore indeed in such a state that our people supposed they had 
been surprised by their enemies, the tribe of the Maquaes. After this exploit the soldiers were 
recompensed for their services, and thanked by the director Kieft in person. In another place, on 
the same night, at Curler's Hook, near Curler's plantation, about forty savages were surprised in 
their sleep in tlie same way, and massacred like the others. 

D Did ever tlie duke of Alba do more evil in the Netherlands 1 



F. Certainly you have such Dutch Governors or directors who honour and respect the duke of Alba. 

B. Yes sir, it is a scandal for our nation ; and if silence would have remedied it I should never 
have mentioned it. But information has been given of it in the proper quarter, and not only it 
has not been remedied, but it has gone still worse as you shall hear directly. 

H. But did the savages suifer this so quietly 1 

B. Oh no sir. As soon as they found how the Swannekens treated them, they killed all the men 
they could lay hands on, but I never heard that they did any harm to the women or children. 
Besides this they burned and destroyed all tlie houses, farms, barns and everything they could come 
at, so that tliey began a declared and destructive war. 

C. Quicquid delirant reges plectuntur achivi. 

B. I am told for a fact that a certain skipper Isaac Abrahamsen, having saved a young boy, and 
hidden him under the sails in order to give him to one Cornelius Melyn, towards morning the poor 
child, overcome witli cold and hunger, made some noise and was heard by the soldiers, 18 Dutch 
tigers, dragged from under the sails in spite of the endeavors of the skipper, who was alone against 
18, cut in two and thrown overboard. 

F. But what did the inhabitants say of the massacre ? 

B. They Avere not only much displeased but took notes of all that passed from time to time, for 
those of tlie country (planters) were all ruined, and in the forts there was little provision and little 
strength. This they wi'ote and sent to government relating the causes and occasions of the war, 
with all the circumstances as they had occurred. 

J. How did you do in tlie meanwhile, before an answer arrived 1 

B. We had but a choice of evils. The Director robbed and murdered wherever he could, and 
in the manner already related 1600 savages were killed in the years 1643 and 1644 ; some of them 
were settled among the Englisli, at a distance of from 10 to 20 miles from us, who were most of them 
surprised in their sleep, many of them never having seen a Dutchman much less ever having done 
them any harm. 

In April of the year 1644, sev^en savages were arrested at Heemstede (where an English 
clergyman, Mr. Fordam, was governor), on a charge of killing two or tliree pigs, though it was 
afterwards discovered that some Englishmen had done it tliemselves. Director Kieft was informed 
by Mr. Fordham, that he had just arrested seven savages, wlio were confined in a cellar, but whom 
he had not dared to treat inhumanely, as he could not answer for the consequences to himself, 
because sucli things are not to be winked at there, or perhaps because the English nation wish to 
cause a general dislike among the savages to our people. Kieft immediately sent ensign Opdyk with 
an Englislmian, John Onderliill, and 15 or 16 soldiers, who killed three of the seven in the cellar. 
They then took the other four with them in the saihng boat, two of whom were towed along by a 
string round their necks till they were drowned, while the two unfortunate survivors were detained 
as prisoners at fort Amsterdam. When they had been kept a long time in the co7-ps de garde, the 
director became tired of giving them food any longer, and they were delivered to the soldiers to do 
as tliey pleased with. The poor unfortunate prisoners were immediately dragged out of the guard 
house and soon dispatched with knives of from 18 to 20 inches long, which director Kieft had made 
for his soldiers for such purposes, saying that the swords were too long for use in the huts of the 
savages, when they went to surprise them ; but that these knives were much handier for bowelling 
them. The first of these savages having received a frightful wound, desired them to permit Inm 
to dance what is called the Kinte Kaeye, a religious use observed among them before death ; he 
received however so many wounds, that he dropped down dead. The soldiers then cut strips 
from the other's body, beginning at the calves, up the back, over the shoulders and doAvn to the 


knees. Wliile this was going forward, director Kieft, with his councillor Jan de la Montaigne, a 
Frencliman, stood laughing heartily at the fun, and rubbing his right arm, so much delight he toolc 
in such scenes. He tlien ordered him to be taken out of the fort, and the soldiers bringing him to 
the leaver's path (he dancing the ELinte Kaeye all the time) threw him down, cut ofi" his partes 
genitalesj thrust them into his mouth while still alive, and at last, placing him on a mill stone, cut 
off his head. 

H. What shameful barbarity ! 

B. What I tell you is true, for by the same token there stood at the same time 24 or 25 female 
savages, who had been taken prisoner at the N. W. point of the fort ; and when they saw this bloody 
spectacle, they held up their arms, struck their mouth, and in their language exclaimed: "For 
shame! for shame! such unheard of cruelty was never known, or even thought of among us." The 
savages have often called out to us from a distance: what scoundrels you Swannekens are; you do 
not war upon us, but upon our wives and children, whom you treacherously murder; whereas we 
do no harm either to your wives or your children, but feed and take care of them, till we send them 
back again to you. 

K. Well, skipper, you know more news, if they were only good news, than all of us put together. 
How did tliey get on? 

B. Director Kieft, not content with this causing the hunted savages to be surprised, engaged some 
English spies to accompany his soldiers as guides, into places unknown to our people, by which 
many poor inoffensive savages were cruelly and traitorously massacred. 


B. The state's general being informed of all those evils, ordered the governors (of the West India 
Company) to remedy them; and the latter, conscious of having trifled too long with director Kieft, 
with whom they were thoroughly acquainted, chose a certain Petrns Stuyvesant, formerly director 
of Curasao, the son of a minister in Vriesland, to supersede him. Tliis same Stuyvesant robbed the 
daughter of his host, and being discovered would have had to puffer for the crime, but that he was 
forgiven for sake of liis father. 

E. How in the world did the company manage to find so many rascals'? Why they must have 
whole magazines full of them. 

B. Their High Mightinesses now thought that the governor would take care that there should be 
no more complaints of an oppressive or tyrannical direction ; we are however informed in what 
manner the same governors wlio had intrigued with Kieft, instructed the new director, to the decline 
and ruin of New Netlierland, to maintain Kieft and vex the inhabitants under any appearance or 
pretext whatever. Neitlier could he contain himself till he had time and opportunity, but even upon 
his passage threatened that when he arrived in New Netherland, he would teach tliem better to 
know tlieir plans. As however he had promised their liigli mightinesses by oath, that he would 
punish the faults of director Kieft according to their deserts, and properly support the inhabitants ; 
tlie result however has shown quite the contrary of these fine promises, according to the 
instructions given him by the governors (which he has shown to several persons), in which he is 
ordered to do as he afterwards did. 


J. Is not that tlie same Stuyvesant who some time before attempted to take fort St. Martin for 
the company, and who lost his leg in the attempt? 

B. The very same ; the governors looked upon that as quite a piece of Roman courage. 

J. Yes, but all who attended that expedition will tell another story; how he burnt all our powder 
in firing salutes during the whole of the voyage, so that when the time for action arrived, there was 
none to be found; and every thing relating to that expedition was so disorderly, that the like was 
never seen. Indeed wlien we broke up the seige and retired, without effecting any tiling, only 
because of his leg, which was shot off by the first cannon shot from Fort St. Martin, we left every 
thing behind, and among other things 5 or 6 field pieces. Was that a fine Roman achievemenf? 
Who knows how much that expedition cost the company? Such a prudent hero deserved indeed to 
be advanced to director, and chosen and sent to New Netherland as redresser-General of all abuses. 

B. When he comes thence, the governors may send him as president to Brazil, in order to spoil 
the little that still remains there, just as he is always used to do. 

J. He is now, however, getting older, and ought to improve his conduct in order to wipe out 
former faults. How does he get on in New Netherland? 

B. Improve do you say, messmate? Like old wolves and old ships, worse from day to day. 

J. Does he still foam and rage and storm as much as he used to do, even to striking and beating ? 

B. In all that he is just the man he has always been ; and so there is no change to be expected 
but for the worse. 

J. What was his reception in New Netherland? 

B. There was so much shouting on all sides, that they were obliged to send to another place to 
buy powder for exercising and in case of need. 

J. I could have guessed as much, but how did he treat the inhabitants from the very first? 

B. As soon as he arrived, some of the principal inliabitants coming bareheaded to welcome their 
new director, he let them wait for several liours bareheaded, he liimself keeping his hat on his 
head, as if he was the Czar of Moscovy; nobody was offered a cliair, while he seated himself very 
comfortably on a chair, tlie better to give the welcomers an audience 

J. You speak in so lively a way of his manner of acting, that I can fancy I see it all passing 
before my eyes ; go on telling about that unlicked bear. 

B. In a word, when he was to take the direction from Kieft, the whole community being called 
together for that purpose, Kieft began by thanking them all for their fidelity to him, which he much 
exaggerated in hopes that the community would unanimously have thanked him ; but some of them 
said boldly that they would not thank him as tliey liad no reason to do so; among these were Joachim 
Pieterz Kuyter and Cornelis Melyn. Stuyvesant, under the canopy of heaven, declared loudly that 
every one should have justice done to him, which assurance was very agreeable to the community ; 
a few days afterwards, however, being well persuaded and led away by Kieft, Stuyvesant began to 
assemble a court of justice, had the letter of the 8 deputed petitioners. to the chamber of Amsterdam 
laid before it, and having chosen the side of Kieft, and wishing to take care that afterwards no 
similar charge should be brought against him, he considered these 8 chosen men as private persons, 
and regarded all their conduct and the whole process between Kieft and them in no other light. 

In liis opinion it was treason to petition against one's magistrates whether there was cause or 
not. Wliat Kieft simply denied was considered as of more weight than the proofs produced by 
his antagonists. 

And when the arbiters produced divers memorials, points and persons to prove the truth of what 
was written, their statements were either entirely rejected or a part of what came to light was 


And what was more, the other persons wlio had subscribed two letters were prevailed upon and 
obliged by liigh authority and severe menaces as also by fair promises, not to divulge what would be 
communicated to them, to revoke wliat liad been written, or at least in order to give it another 
appearance to declare tliey had been bribed to subscribe it and had been misinformed, not knowing 
what they subscril^ed, but having only done it at tlie earnest entreaties of some who persisted in 
subscribing it and still maintained their signature. 

So director Stuyvesant passed sentence against Joachim Pietersz and Cornells Melyn, whom he 
charged with Iiaving accused, by libellous letters tlieir legitimate governor and chief director Kieft, 
in a clandestine and lying way ; witli having censured and calumniated him, the which he and 
his counsil desiring to prevent in the well ordered commonwealth of New Netherland, and executing 
justice in the name of their Higli Miglitinesses the states General, His Highness the Prince of 
Orange, and the General chartered West India Company, condemned Joachim Piertsz Kuyter to a 
banishment of three consecutive years and a penalty of a hundred and fifty guilders, one third for 
the fiscal, one tliird for the poor and one third for tiie church. Cornells Melyn was charged in his 
sentence with more crimes and punished more severely, (because Kieft had formerly flattered 
himself that he should have a part with him in Staten Island, and finding himself deceived, he had 
been obliged to make other conditions witli other persons ; and Kieft played him this trick, as was 
afterwards proved) and in virtue of the preceding arguments was found guilty of Crimen laesae 
Majestatis, crimen falsi, crimen of libel and defamation, and on that account was to forfeit all benefits 
derived from the company or which he might still claim, a penalty of 300 guilders, to be applied as 
above, and to be banished from New Netherland for the term of 7 years. So that those who had 
accused Kieft were kicked out and sent away by Stuyvesant. It is well known that when director 
Kieft was reminded that these suits would most probably, have taken another turn in Holland, he 
replied ; why should we alarm each other with justice in Holland ; in tliis case I only consider it as a 
scare crow. And Stuyvesant replied ; if I was persuaded that you would appeal from my sentences 
or divulge them, I would have your head cut off, or have you hanged on the highest tree in New 
Netherland. He also represented Kieft's affair in so favorable a light, inveighed so furiously against 
the constant arbiters, that the foam hung on his beard . To show still more clearly that he did not 
at all intend to follow the orders of their High Mightinesses or fulfil the promises he made them, or 
to satisfy the community, he immediately appointed Jan Jansen Damen, (one of those who had signed 
the request to slaughter the savages) as churchwarden. 
' E. A very nice churchwarden that, one with bloody hands. 

B. It is to be feared that if the united Provinces, their High Mightinesses and his Highness do 
not take measures to prevent the occurrence of such injustice, their reputation will suffer, not only 
among the savages but through all Christendom and it is disgraceful enough already that this has 
not yet been done ; there-fore those wlio have tlie prosperity of the Netherlands, of New Nether- 
land, of its inhabitants and of its government at heart, ought to strive to redress such grievances. 

J. But was that sentence executed 1 

B. Most assuredly ; for that was now of as much consequence to the new director Stuyvesant as 
his own honour, reputation, even his own life. They were brouglit on board Uke criminals and 
torn away from their goods, their wives and their children. The Princess was to carry the director 
and those two faithful patriots away from New Netlierland, but coming into the wrong channel it 
struck upon a rock and was wrecked. And now this wicked Kieft, seeing death before his eyes, 
sighed deeply and turning to these two, said : Friends, I have been unjust towards you, can you for- 
give me? Towards morning tlie ship was broken to pieces. Melyn lost liis son, the minister 
Bogardus ; while Kieft, captain John de Viies and a great number of otlier persons were drowned. 


Much treasure was also lost, as Kieft was on his return with a fortune of four hundred thousand 
guilders. Joachim Pietersz Kuyter remained alone on a part of the ship on which stood a cannon, 
wliich he took for a man, but speaking to it and getting no answer he supposed him dead. He 
was at last thrown on land, together with the cannon, to the great astonishment of the English, who 
crowded the strand by thousands, and who set up the pine or ordinance as a lasting memorial. 
Melyn, floating on his back, fell in with others who had remained on a part of the wreck till they 
were driven on a sandbank which became dry with the ebb. They then took some planks and 
pieces of wood, fastened them together and having made sails of their shirts, etc., they got at last 
to the Mainland of England. As these persons were more concerned for their papers than for any 
thing else, they caused them to be dragged for, and on the tliird day Joachim Pietersz got a small 
part of them, which are in being to this day. 

C. How people are sometimes buffetted about the world ! How will these persons ever get 
justice ? 

B. According to what they told mc, when they arrived in Holland, the Dutch directors much 
lamented the loss of the sliip and its rich cargo, and were doubly pained that while so many fine men 
were lost, two rebellious bandits should survive to trouble the company with their complaints. 

J. Was that all the comfort they got 1 

M. That was not all their comfort, but some of the directors undertook to prevent them from 
getting a hearing from their High Mightinesses. 

J. 'Tn'as better to send such scoundrels to the devil. Who dared to undertake that ? 

B. Tliose who had always corresponded with those wicked children of Belial, van Beeck 
Perquin ; they got a hearing, however, and set their affair in such a light before their H. M. that 
it was resolved to prevent such unrighteous proceedings, dispatched letters of inhibition, ordered 
Stuyvesant either to appear in person or by proxy, in order to hear his sentence maintained, con- 
firmed or annulled ; or else to await it there, and to that end their H. M. supplied the complain- 
ants with all necessary orders, safeguards, acts and instruments. 






Translated from De Nieuwe en Onbekende Weereld: of Beschryving van America en 't Zuidland: door Abnoidus Montanus. 

Amsterdam, 1671. 

Vol. IV. 



New Netherland bounded on the south west by Virginia, stretches on the north east to JYew 
Description and England, ou the nortli it is washed bv tile river Canada, and on the coast by the Ocean : 

discovery o( New t-- / , 7 j • 

Ne.heruuid. Horth westcily, inland, it remains wholly unknown. The first who discovered this 
country was Henry Hudson. Engaged by tlie East India Company to find out a passage to China 
north of America, lie set sail with the Yacht Half Moon, in the year sixteen hundred and nine. 
In front of JYewfoundland he took a course directly southwest ; entered a large river ; there [met] 
two men clotlied in Elk skins, and subsequently arrived safe at Amsterdam. JYew JYetherland being 
thus discovered, divers traders set about establisliing a stable trade here. Wherefore they sought 
for and obtained a charter in the year sixteen hundred and fourteen, from the States General at the 
Hague, to trade to JYew JYetherlarid to the exclusion of all others. Earnestly, now, was the trade 
prosecuted. Adriaen Blok and Godyn soon discovered here divers coasts, islands, harbours and 
rivers. Among the rivers is the J^anhattans or Great river, by far the most important, which 
disembogues into the Ocean by two wide mouths, washing the mighty island J\Iatouwacs. The south 
entrance was called Port J\hy or Godyn' s Bay : Midway lies Staten Island, and a little 
' fiirther up, the JVlanhattans, so called from the people which inhabit the mainland on 
the east side of the river. These are cruel and wicked men, enemies of the Dutch, as well as of the 
Sanhikans who dwell on the west side. Higher up lie the jMakwaes and J\laliikans, who are constantly 
at war with each other : in like manner all the inhabitants on the west bank of the Manhattan river 
frequently make war on those residing on the east side. And the latter in like manner entertain 
constant animosity against the Dutch, with whom the other nations to the west maintain good 
friendship. On a little island adjoining the J[Iakwaes shore, formerly stood a fort furnished with 
two guns and eleven stone pieces, but it was finally abandoned. On the J\lanhattans island stands 
JYew Amsterdam, five miles from the Ocean : Slaips run up to the harbour there from the sea with 
one tide. The city hath an earthen Jbrt. Within the fort, and on the outermost bastion towards 
the river, stand a wind mill, and a very high staff, on which a flag is hoisted whenever any vessels 
are seen in Godyn's bay. The church rises with a double roof between which a square tower 
looms aloft. On one side is tlie prison, on the other side of tlie church the governor's house. With- 
out the walls are the houses mostly built by Amsterdamers. On the river side stand tlie gallows 
and whipping post. A handsome public tavern adorns the fartliest point. Between the fort and 
this tavern is a row of suitable dwelling houses : among which stand out the ware houses of the 
West India Company. JYew JYetherland hath, moreover, divers remarkable water falls tumbling 
down from lofty rocks, broad creeks and kills, fresh lakes and rivulets and pleasant springs and 
fountains, which smoke in winter, are right cold in summer, and, nevertheless, are 

■Wliolesome waters. j -j 1 j 1 

mucli drank. Meanwhile the inhabitants are at no time mucli incommoded by floods, 
nor by the sea. Inasmuch as at spring tide the water scarcely ever rises a foot higlier ; nor by 
freshets (op water') which cover only some low lands for a short while and enricli them by their 
alluvium. The sea coast rises hilly out of sand and clay, wherefore it produces abundantly all 
sorts of herbs and trees. 


The oak usually grows sixty to seventy feet liigh,for tlie most part free of knots, for which reason 

it is well adapted to ship building. The Hickory trees fm-nish a hot and lasting fire, 

rees, w a sor . ^^^ ^ curious appearance whenever the bush is cut away either for the purpose of more 

open hunting or for clearing the ground for a bouwery. Some plants sent hither from Holland tlirive 

better than even in Hollajid ; namely, the apple, pear, quince, cherry, plum, currant, apricot, buck- 
thorn, medlar, peach and onion. Vines grow wild everywhere and bear in abundance 
blue and w^hite muscatels and pork grapes {spek-druiven). Some time since, the wine press 

was successfully introduced. The wine was equal to any Rhenish or Frencli Wine. Every 
vegetable known to the Dutcli is cultivated in the gardens. Water melons as savory 
as they are wholesome, are, wlien ripe, as large as a cabbage. The English extract a 

liquor from them wliich would be no wise inferior to Spanish w'ine did it not turn sour too soon. 

Gourds when cleaned out serve as water vessels. Tobacco produces leaves five quarters long. Pump 
kins grow luxuriant and agreeable. Corn sowed in hills six feet apart, sprouts up 
readily and prosperously if properly weeded. Turkish beans, planted beside the 

corn, wind tliemselves around the stalk. Grey peas prosper here so well that two crops are 
gathered in tlie year from one field. Medicinal plants and indigo grow wild in 
abundance. Tlie barley can be tied above the head. Furthermore, all sorts of flowers 

have a pleasant odor and appearance. Tlie Jiills consist of fullers earth, or clay, fit for making 
dishes, pots and tobacco pipes. There is, besdes, abundance of rock crystal and Mus- 

Nature of the huu. ^^^^ giass. Other hills furnish marble, serpentine, blue and hearth stone, ^nd 

although the Dutch have not taken much trouble to dig for minerals, either on account of not 

being numerous enough, or in order not to make other folks' mouths \A'ater, it is nevertheless incon- 
trovertible that the subterranean cavities in the hills conceal gold and silver. When 

Gold and Silver /i, ii-i . iiiir./^ 

mines. Wilhcm Kicft, the governor, employed, m the year sixteen hundred and forty five, the 

^bou^^id'"''"^"' Indian interpreter Agheroense, with a view, througli him to terminate the difficulties 

which had arisen between the West India Company and the cruel tribe, the Makwaes, 
he observed that the said interpreter streaked his face with a glittering yellow paint. Kieft suspected 
some valuable mineral to be concealed in this operation, proposed to satisf}' Agheroense ; subjected 
it to the crucible ; obtained two pieces of gold worth three guilders. He kept the matter Stecret ; 
obtained fortunately from the mountain pointed out by Aglieroense, a bucket full of the material, 
for it furnished gold. Kieft now imagined he had made a great discovery & despatched Arend 

Corsen from New Haven to Holland with the stuff. But as the ship never made its 
wiiy It failed. appcarancc — which was also the fate subsequently of the fly boat, the Princess, in 
which the governor was a passenger, who had a supply of the abovementioned mineral, all further 

exploration ceased. The natives divided into various tribes mutually agree in respect 
paimings. to painting their bodies, shields, w^ar clubs and the latli work within their huts. For 

tliis they use colours extracted either from plants or from finely crushed stones. The principal 
plant is not unlike the Orach or Golden herb, except that the stalk has many shoots and red-brown 
berries ; the juice of which collected in the inner bark of trees, is laid in the sun to dry, and when 
dried is preserved in little pouches. Tlie inhabitants temper the paint with water, and then streak 
the body ; it produces the most beautiful purple that can any where be found. Tlieir pictures 
represent canoes, trees and animals, but very indifferently executed. Instead of plumes they 
Tiieir ornaments, bcdcck tlicmselves wltli hair tied with small bands. Tlie hair is of a scarlet" colour 

and surprizing brilliancy which is permanent and ineffaceable by rain. The 

horses in jYew JVetherland are brouglit from England or from th# diocese of 


Utrecht'. Those from the bishopric far excel the English. Both are subject to a curious desease 
whereof many die within a few hours. Tlie same disease attacks horned cattle tliat 
Their disease. ^^.g pastured ou ncw ground. But hay grown in salt meadows is found to be a 
remedy against this. Hogs fatten exceedingly in the woods ; those fed on Indian corn give the 
sweetest pork. Sheep, though very thriving, are not numerous, because the settle- 
ments cannot spare any persons to keep watch against the wolves. Besides, venison 
is so abundant that the sheep can on this account be the more easily dispensed with. Fowls, 
turkeys, geese, ducks, pigeons and other feathered game are, also, easily obtained. Lions, whose 
skins the Indians bring to market, are caught on a high mountain, situated fifteen 
^"'"'' days journey to the southwest. ^ Here, also, are many pitch black bears, shy of men? 

faraiiack'^ <'=^ff«''-but which, whcn attacked, spring on the hunters ; they first stop the wound with a 
pledget of leaves, and if the hunter, meanwhile, takes refuge in a tree, climb after and 
above him, then stick the head between the legs and fall downward. They sleep during winter, 
lying six weeks on one side and an equal time on the otlier, sucking their paw. A cripple bush 
or liollow mountain serves them for a sleeping place. On the borders of Canada animals are 
Very strange ^^w aud again sccu, somcwhat resembling a horse ; they have cloven hoofs, shaggy 
ammau maues, a horn right out of the forehead, a tail like that of the wild hog, black eyes, 

a stag's neck & love the gloomiest wildernesses ; are shy of each other so that the male never feeds 
with the female except when they associate for purposes of increase. Then they lay aside tlieir 
ferocity ; as soon as the rutting season is past, they again not only become wild but even attack 
their own. Soutli of JVew JVetherland are found numerous elks, animals which accord- 
Remaikabie elks, j^^^ ^^ Eiosmus Stclla coustitutc a middle class between horses and deer. They appear 
to derive their Dutch appellation {eelanden) from elende (misery), because they die of the smallest 
wound, however strong they may otherwise be ; also, because tliey are frequently afflicted with 
epilepsy. They have broad, branching horns, a short tail, a shaggy neck, variable hair, according 
to tlie difference of the season, wide and long ears, prominent lips, small teeth, a thick hide, which 
cannot be easily pierced. Tlie females separate from the males, wlien tliey have shed their liorns. 
Botli can be easily tamed. When hunted they spew hot water out on the dogs. They possess 
great strength of hoof, so as to strike a wolf dead at a blow. Their flesh, eitlier fresh or salted, is 
very nutritious ; the hoofs cure the falling sickness. But no game is more abundant 
"^"' here tlian deer, which browze every where in large herds. Wlien flying before 

wolves or hunters tliey oft times head towards streams, betake tliemselves to the water, wliere they 
are taken in great numbers, foi; whilst s^vimraing across they get friglatened by the echo from the 
mountains raised by the liunters on the opposite bank ; they dare not, consequently, approach land : 
meanwliile the hunters tie branches together, by which the deer, after being cliased, are sometimes 
dragged down. JVew Ketherland also produces many muskcats, especially in marshy ground. The 
animals are particularly beautiful ; the skin by its black spots lias a handsome appearance ; the 
mouth is full of sharp teetli, the tails trail tar beliind. Many learned men dispute 
procled^''"'" " respecting tlie civet, namely, whether it be the seed of the civet cat. Cardanus so 
maintains, but he is thoroughly refuted on this point by Julius Scaliger Mutthiolus, 
whose opinions many embrace ; he affirms the civet to be the sweat ol the cat, inasmuch as it was 
gathered most plentifully wlienever these animals, wearied by excitement, pant for breath. But 
whilst the sweat dropt from tlie whole body, yet as it did not impregnate the whole with musk, it 

1 In former times, this diocese included the provinces of Overijssel and Utrecht. See, Martinet's Beschryving der 
Nederlanden, ii., 205, 206. 

2 This animal is doubtless the Panther. — Ed. 


cannot be musk. Otliers consider the civet to be a secretion of the cat. These divide all secre- 
tions into unprofitable, such as sweat, pus, excrement ; or into useful, as milk, and semen for 
production. Civet must be classed among the latter, for it is, probably, nothing more than a secre- 
tion from the glands in the vicinity of privy parts, generated in tlie same way as the liver secretes 
the blood ; udders and women's breasts, milk ; the ears, wax ; and adders produce poison between 
their fangs. In the meantime cats are embarrassed with tlieir civet, whereof they rid themselves 
by rubbing against trees, and evince friendship for those who, in the sheepfold, rub it olf with a 
spoon. But in addition to other wild animals JYew JSTetherland furnishes, according to the occular 

evidence of Adriaen van der Donk, full eighty thousand beavers a year. Pliny relates 
Pliny, lib 32 cap. 3. j^^^^ tliese auimals castrate themselves, and leave these parts to the hunters, inas- 
much as they are much sought after, being an effectual remedy for mania, retention of the after- 

birtli, amenorrhcea, dizziness, gout, lameness, belly and tooth aches, dullness of vision,, 
fe^y^'emTriflbie^ poisouiug and rhcumatism. But P/iw^/ commits a grave error; for the Beavers have 
Beaver' ''^° Very Small testicles fastened in such a manner to the back bone that they cannot 

remove them except with life. Moreover, they live in the water and on land together 
in troops, in houses built of timber over a running stream. The houses excite no common admira- 
tion ; they are thus constructed — the Beavers first collect together all the drift wood which tliey find 
along the river, and whenever this falls sliort, they gnaw away, in the next adjoining wood, the 
sweetest bark all around with the front teeth, of which they have two in the upper, and two in tlie 
lower gum, they then cut right around the trunk until the tree falls ; when they also shorten the 
pieces in like manner, to adapt them to the proposed building. The females carry tlie pieces on 
the back, the males support it behind so that it may not fall off. The houses rise ingeniously to 
the height of five stories ; they are smeared above with clay to protect them from the rain ; in the 
middle is a convenient aperture through which to dive into the water as soon as they perceive any 
person. "Wherefore, one of the troop keeps watch by turns, and in the winter a second keeps the 
water open by constant beating of the tail. The tail is flattisli without hair, and most dainty food 
which in some places is served up as a rare delicacy. The beavers go with young sixteen weeks ; 
they bear once a year four young, which cry and suck like young children ; for tlie mother rises on 
lier liind paws and gives each two a breast as she has only two breasts between the fore legs ; tliese 
legs resemble somewhat those of the dog ; the hindmost, like those of geese, lap in some measure 
over each otlier. On botli sides of the privy parts lie two swellings enclosed in separate niem- 
branes. From the privy parts oozes an oleaginous humor, with which they smear all the accessible 
parts of the body in order to keep dry. Inwardly they resemble a cut up hog ; they live on leaves 
and bark ; are excessively attached to their young ; the wind-hairs which rise glittering above the 
back, fall off in the summer, and grow again by the fall ; they are short necked, have strong sinews 

and muscles ; move rapidly in the water and on land ; attacked by men or dogs, they 
Castor, what. ^^j^^ fiercely. The pure Castor, so highly prized by physicians, consists of oblong 
follicles, resembling a wrinkled pear which are firmly attached to the os pubis of the female 
beaver ; the Indians cut up the little balls of the males with their tobacco as they afford no 

castor. The air of New Netherland abounds with all sorts of birds. Besides falcon, 
Sa.Id'" ^' ^'*" sparrow-hawks, fish-hawks, and other birds of prey, there are liere numbers of 

Eagles differing from each other ; for some are greyish, others browner, except the 
head, neck, tail and striking feathers, which are of a snow white color. All have a strong body, 
bones without marrow, claws as long as a man's finger, the bill strong and crooked, the brains dry, 
the eyes small and hollow, the feathers hard, the right foot bigger than the left, both ill-looking, 
the blood gross, the excrements highly offensive. They build their nests in old groves where 


the ground is clear of underwood ; also beside water ; as they feed on fish and devour 
im*ur?' "'^"^ all sorts of fowls, and even rabbits, hares, tortoises and other four footed game that 
sleep in tlie open air ; yea, when ahungered, they attack each other. Some eagles 
strike their prey at mid-day, others at the rising of the sun. They fall like lightning on the game 
they pursue, as the blood of animals serves them for drink. They are excessively lascivious, so 
that they go together more than thirty times a day, not only with tiieir own kind, but even with 
the female hawks and slie wolves (wolvinnen). They hatch out the large eggs in thirty, and the 
small in twenty days. They usually breed two to three yoxing, whose eyes they turn towards the 
sun's rays. If these regard the light of heaven without blinking they bring them up, otherwise, 
those that cannot stand such a test are drove from the nest. Tlie young, as soon as they begin to fly, 
are taken up into the air, and left there to themselves, are sustained by the old birds, who drive 
them away wlienever they are fit to strike at game. Their sliarp sightedness is most remarkable, 
for lifted up in the clouds far beyond the eye of man, tliey perceive the smallest fish in the river, 
and a skulking hare in the stub1)le. Their breath stinks badly, wherefore the carcasses on which 
they feed rot rapidly, and though lascivious they are long lived : they die mostly of hunger, as 
the bill becomes by age so crooked that they cannot open any thing. Whereupon they finally fly 
to the highest regions towards the sun, tumble down into the coldest stream ; they pluck out 
their feathers, clammy with sweat, and thus breathe their last. But, besides the enumerated birds 
of prey, there is liere an innumerable amount of herons, bitterns, ravens, crows, owls, swallows, 
Curious wood- fiuchcs, king fishers, hedge sparrows, woodcocks, pheasants and wrens. The wood 
peckers. peckcrs excel the most in beautiful plumage and crests. These peck large holes in the 

trees, and thus make a noise as of wood cutters laboring in the forest. The pigeons fly in such 
flocks that the Indians designedly remove to their breeding places, where the young 
igeons. birds, pushed by hundreds from tlieir nests, serve for food during a long month for 

the whole family. JVew JVetherland hath, more over, a wonderful little bird, scarcely an inch long, 
Aprett litue bird Q^^^^e brilliant of plumage, and sucking flowers like the bee ; it is so delicate that a 
dash of water instantly kills it, and when dried it is preserved as a curiosity. But tliis 
countiy particularly abounds in turkeys, whose number excites no less admiration 
" ^^'' than their ricli flavour and their large size ; for they go together in flocks of thirty and 

forty : they weigh some thirty and more pounds ; tliey are shot or are caught with a bait conceal- 
ing the hook. The waters here swarm, in the spring and fall, with swans, geese, wild ducks, teals, 
widgeons, divers, spoonbills and pelicans, besides anotlier strange species, unknown in Europe. 
The streams and lakes, rich with fishes, furnish sturgeon, salmon, carp, bass, pike, 
Funes roach, bleak, [N. Y. shiners?] all sorts of eel, smelt, sun fish, which resembles the 

bull head in taste, and little codfish, which are caught near water falls. The sea provides crabs, 
both hard and soft shelled, gurnets, sea horses, seals, codfish, shell fish, whiting, herring, makerel, 
thornbacks, plaice, flounders, bream, turtles and oysters, some a foot long containing pearls, but 
few of a brown color. Among the poisonous reptiles wliich invest JYew JVetherland is the dreadful 
rattle-snake. This is variegated, hath a thick head, four long, sharp fangs, and a 
horny tail with joints doubled over each other, more or less according to age, for the 
tail increases one joint each year. The shaking of the tail causes a hideous drumming pre- 
liminary to its biting. The rattle-snake then opens wide its jaws ; the upper one is arched and 
hath a blue membrance doubled over, from which it shoots along the fangs a deadly poison. A 
person wounded by this reptile would be cured with difficulty, did the field not produce a whole- 
some antidote, which the Indians carry constantly with them. This people is divided 
New N^herriidlfrt.into divers nations, all well shaped and strong, having pitch-black and lank hair, as 


coarse as a horse's tail ; broad shoulders ; small waist ; brown eyes and snow white teeth ; they 
are of a sallow color ; abstemious in food and drink. Water satisfies their thirst ; 
high and low make use of Indian corn and beans, flesh meat and fish prepared all 
alike. Tlie crushed corn is daily boiled to a pap called by them sappaen. They observe no set 
time for meals. Whenever hunger demands, tlie time for eating arrives. Beavers' tails are consid- 
ered the most savory delicacy. Whilst hunting they live some days on roasted corn carried about 
the person in a little bag. A little corn in water swells to a large mass. Henry Hudson 
ing voyagT.'^"^*^'" relates, that he entered the river Montaines, in the latitude of forty degrees and 
there went ashore ; the Indians made strange gambols with dancing and singing ; 
carried arrows, the points of which consisted of sharp stones, fastened to the wood with pitch ; 
they sleep under the blue sky on little mats of platted leaves of trees ; suck strong tobacco ; are 
friendly but very tliievish. Hudson sailed up thirty miles higher ; went into a canoe with an old 
Indian, a chief over forty men and seventeen women, who conducted him ashore. They all 
abode in one house well built of tlie bark of oak trees. Around lay drying more than three ship 
loads of Indian corn and beans ; besides the crop that stood luxuriantly in the field. Hudson 
scarcely had his head under the roof, but he was seated on two mats spread out on the floor. Two 
men immediately had orders to shoot game. In the twinkle of an eye these brought in pigeons 
they had killed. A fat dog which had been very expertly skinned with shells, was laid also on 
the fire. Other preparations were, likewise made for Hudson's good entertainment, but as he did 
not intend to pass the night there, he did not profit by them ; notwithstanding the Indians bro^e 
their arrows and cast them into the fire so that Hudson may rid himself of all fear. The 
Ne°iherilnde?s* ^^"^^clothing of the J\ CIV JVetkcrlanders is most sumptuous. The women ornament them- 
selves more than the men. And although the winters are very severe, they go 
naked until their thirteenth year ; the lower parts of the girl's bodies only are covered. All wear 
around the waist a girdle made of the fin of the whale or of seawant. The men wear between the 
legs a lap of duffels cloth, or leather, half an eU broad and nine quarters long ; so that a square 
piece hangs behind over the buttocks and in front over the belly. The women weAr a petticoat 
down midway the leg, very richly ornamented with seawant so that the garment sometimes costs 
three hundred guilders. They also Avrap the naked body in a deer's skin, the tips of which swing 
with thin points. A long robe fastened on the right shoulder with a knot, at the waist by a girdle, 
serves the men and women for an upper ornament, and by night for a bed cover. Both go, for the 
most part, bare headed. The women bind their hair behind in a plait, over which they draw a 
square cap thickly interwoven with seawant. They decorate the ornaments for the forehead with 
the same stuff. Around the neck and arms they wear bracelets of seawant, and some around 
the v/aist. Shoes and stockings were made of elk hides before the Hollanders settled here. Others 
made shoes even of straw. But since some time they prefer Dutch shoes and stockings. The 
men paint their faces of many colors. The women lay on a black spot only here and there. 
Both are uncommonly faithful. Their houses are for the most part built after one 
Their houses. plan: they differ only in the greater or smaller length: the breadth is invariably 
twenty feet. The following is the mode of construction. They set various hickory poles in the 
ground according to the plan of the size of the building. The tops are bent together above in 
the form of a gallery, and throughout the length of these bent poles, laths are fastened. Tlie 
walls and roof are then, covered with the bark of elm, ash, and chestnut trees; the bark is lapped 
over each otiier as a protection against a change of weather, and tlie smooth side is turned 
inward. The houses lodge fifteen iarailies together, more or less, according to the dimensions. 


Each knows its proportion. Tlieir forts stand mostly on steep mountains, beside a 

stream of water. The entrance is only on one side. They are built in this wise. They 
set lieavy timbers in the ground, with oak palisades on both sides, planted crosswise one with 
another. They juin timbers again between the cross-trees, to strengthen the work Within the 
enclosure they commonly build twenty or thirty houses, some of whicli are a hundred and eighty 
feet long, some less. All are crammed full of people. In the summer they set up huts along the 

rivers, in order to pursue fishing. In the winter they remove into the woods to be 
Removing. conveuicnt to tlie hunting and to a supply of fire-wood. Plurality of wives is not in 

vogue here, except among the Chiefs, wlio take three or four to themselves. And such harmony 

exists among these, that tliey are never at variance. Minors do not marry, except 
Marriage. .^^.-^.j^ ^^le advlcc of their parents or friends. Widowers and widows follow their own 

inclinations: regard is only had to each other's condition and children. The bridegi-oom must 

make a present to the bride. On the slightest misunderstanding, the wife, paid right 
Divorce. ^g.^ .^ ^^^^ |^y ^-^^^ husbaud out of doors, and she marries another. Tlius some of them 

have a fresh wife every year. In cases of separation, the children follow the mother, after wOiom 

the offspring also are called. They consider adultery, especially if committed in 
^wfiuand" the open air, to be sinful. Fornication, however, is lawful for young women, provided 

commendable. .^ ^^ ^^^ moucy. Whcrcfore, no person objects to marry such persons. Yea, the 
married boast of the numbers they slept with whilst unmarried. Whoever is inclined to marry, 
Curious custom of covcrs the wliolc body, and thus bemopped sits on the way side. A passer by ere 
pregnant women. ^^^^ rclcases 'the pig iu the poke.' When pregnant, the w^oman take great heed, 
in order that the embryo may not be injured. On the approach of the birth of the child, w^hich 
she precisely knows, she retires to a lonely place in the woods, even in the severest cold, erects a hut 
ofnfats, separates the child without any one's aid, w^ashes it in the water, and wa-aps it around 
witli matting. In a fiew days she turns homeward, and brings the suckling carefully up; a cliild 
is never put out to nurse. As long as a woman suckles, or is pregnant, she admits of no con- 
nection. The catamenia do not appear. In sickness tliey are very faithful to each other. The 

next of kin closes the eye of the deceased. After being waked for a few days, they are 
utedJS!'^'^'"'^ thus interred. The body hath a stone under the head; it is placed in a sitting 

posture; they place beside it a pot, kettle, a platter, spoon, money, and provisions, to 
be made use of iu the other world. They then stow^ wood all around, which tliey cover witli 
planks; on the planks, which are covered with earth and stones, palisades are fastened in such a 
manner that the tomb resembles a little house, to which they pay divine reverence; wherefore they 
consider it a great profanation to violate such places. The men make no noise over the dead, but 
the women carry on uncommonly; they strike their breasts, tear their faces, call the name of the 
deceased day and night. 

The mothers make the loudest lamentations on the death of their sons They cut off 
moSn?ngfo^^'hl their hair, which they burn on the grave in the presence of all the relatives. Wives 

do the same on the death of their husbands, in addition to painting the face pitch 
black ; and thus in a deer skin jerkin they mourn the dead a whole year, notwithstanding they 
sometimes lived unhappily together. On some occasions they have meetiiTgs for devil-worship. 

Here conjurors act a wonderful part. These tumble, witli strange contortions, head 
of'ih^^c*onjurore°""^ ovcr hccls ; beat themselves, leap, with a hideous noise, through and around a large 

fire. Finally, they all raise a tremendous caterwauling, when the devil (as they say) 
appears in the shape of a ravenous or harmless animal : the first betokens something bad ; tlie 
other good : both give information respecting coming events ; but obscurely, which they attribute 
Vol. ly. 11 


to their own ignorance, not understanding the Devil's right meaning when matters 
witched ^^^' tum out differently. They, moreover, bewitch some in such wise that they loam at the 

mouth, throw themselves in the tire and smite themselves unmercifully ; and as soon 

as they whisper any words in the ear of the bewitched the enchantment ceases. The 
N^vNliLria^ders.language of this people is very various, but they can be classed into four principal 

tongues, namely, Mahatans, Wappanoo, Siavanoo, and Minquaes ; they are very difficult 

for strangers to learn, as they are spoken without any principles. Their money 
zeawam. couslsts of zcaw ant, [wampum] which is nothing more than the inside little pillars of 

the conckshells, which the sea casts up twice a year. These pillars they polish smooth ; drill a hole 
through the centre ; reduce it to a certain size, and string the pieces on threads. The strings fill 

the place of gold, silver and copper coin. Great faults, as well as virtues, are remarked 
NetheHanders'^'"' in the inhabitants ; for besides being slovenly and slothful, they are also found to 

be thievish, head-strong, greedy and vindictive. In other respects they are grave, 
chary of speech, which, after mature consideration, is slowly uttered and long remembered. The 
understanding being somewliat sViarpened by the Hollanders^ they evince sufficient ability to dis- 
tinguish carefully good from evil. They will not suffer any imposition. No wise disposed to glut- 
tony, they are able patiently to endure cold, heat, hunger and thirst. They are remarkably addicted 

to tlie use of sweating baths, made of earth and lined with clay. A small door serves 
inguar ot ati. ^s au entrance. The patient creeps in, seats himself down, and places heated stones 
around the sides. Whenever he hath sweated a certain time, he immerses himself suddenlj' in cold 
water ; from which he derives great security against all sorts of sickness. Though this people do 
not make sucli a distinction between man and man as other nations, yet they have high and low 
families ; inferior and superior chiefs, whose authority remains hereditarily in tlie houses. The 

military offices are disposed of only according to the valorous prowess of each person. 

war rpj^g commander does not divide his soldiers into regiments, companies or files, but 

leads them on merely to overreach the enemy from an ambuscade. They undertake the most of their 

expeditions in the night. They do not maintain their position long against a sudden onslaught, 

unless surrounded, then tliey fight to tlie last man. Whenever they anticipate any danger, the 

women and children are placed in a secure hiding place. Their weapons used formerly 
Weapons. ^^ ^^ ^j^^ arrow, bow and war club. They now use the snap-haunce at which they are 

very expert. A square shield covers the body up to the shoulders. A snake skin is tied around 
the head from tlie centre of which sticks up a fox's or bear's tail. Tlie face is not recognizable on 

account of its i^ariety of colors. Prisoners' lives are rarely spared, unless that of 
me»t"f pHsonerl! women aud cluldren, who are treated by the conquerors in the same manner as tlieir 

own, in order thus to recruit their numbers. If, however, a prisoner be not put to 
death immediately after tlie battle, but handed over to soifie person whose relative had been 
formerly killed by the conquered party, he is roasted tliree days long before he gives up the gliost. 

It excites uncommon admiration if the sufferer constantly sing in the midst of his 
^'**' torture. Notwithstanding misdemeanors are not punished, wicked acts are of rare 

occurrence. Stolen property, whenever discovered, is ordered by the Chief to be restored. The 

next of kin of the murdered man may kill the murderer, if he overtake him witliin 
Death punishment. ^.^^^^. .,ji,i twouty hours. But If hc aveugc himself later, he is subject to be slain by 

the relative of tlie second victim, within the limit of the stated time. All obligations 
utlueTlTvJ^^t acquire their force from the acceptance of presents. Tliey proceed thus : They take 

as many little sticks as there are conditions in their proposals. If they agree on all, each 
party, at the conclusion, lays his presents at the feet of the other. They sometimes hang up the 


presenls, whilst tliey deliberate earnest!}' on the proposal during three days. If the present be 
accepted, the negotiation is firmly concluded ; but if not, tliey proceed no further in the matter, 

unless the applicant change tlie conditions and the present. On occasions of importance, 
Public coum lis. ^ general assembly is held at tlie house of one of the chiefs; in order that the sachems 
tliere assembled, may explain what has been concluded. Then the most eloquent rises and endeav- 
ours to render the determination popular with the masses. It sometimes liappens that a ringleader 
will admit of no reasoning, whereupon some of the chiefs strikes the mutineer on the head witli an 

axe. No one is so bold as to dare to mutter a word in such a case. No trace 
Worship . ^j. divine worship can hardly be discovered here. Only tliey ascribe great influence to 

thenioon over the crops. The Sun, as all seeing, is taken to witness as often as they take an 

oath. Tliey pay great reverence to the Devil, because they fear great trouble froai him 
Devil worship, .^yj^gu liuuting and fishing : wherefore the first fruits of the chase is burnt in his honor, 
so that they may not receive injury. If they experience pain in any part, they say — A Devil 

lurks in there. They fully acknowledge that a God dwells beyond the stars, who, 
ridiSious ; ' ^"^ however, gives himself no concern about the doings of Devils on earth : because he is 

constantly occupied with a beautiful Goddess, whose origin is unknown. She once 
came down from heaven into the water (for before tlie creation all was water,) and would have 

sunk, unless land had suddenly bubbled up under her feet. The land waxed bigger, 
^rlaifoii"'^ "'* so that erelong a whole globe was perceptible, which quickly produced all sorts 

of vegetables and trees. Meanwhile, the goddess brought forth a deer, bear and 
wolf, and again cohabited with these animals : She thus became pregnant, and lay in of divers 
sorts of creatures at one birth. From this arises the variety not only of animals, but also of men, 
which in color are either black, white or sallow ; in disposition either timid as the deer, revengeful 
as bears or rapacious as wolves. After she had thus acted the Universal mother returned up to 
Heaven, where she enjoys perfect bliss witli the Sovereign Lord, whom they know not nor ever 
saw; wherefore they will be held less responsible than the Christians ; pretending to acknowledge 
him a punisher of all wicked deeds which they commit notwithstanding, and it is with more difii- 

culty that they can be brought from these adopted vices to Christianity. Regarding 
^le soilh^^*^"^ the souls of the Dead, they believe : that those who have done good enjoy every 

sort of pleasure in a temperate country to the Soutli, wliere the bad wander about 
in misery. They believe the loud bowlings which wild animals make at night, to be the wailings 
of the ghosts of wicked bodies. ' 

The fertility and situation of JVew JYetherland induced the Burgomasters of Amsterdam to 
Colonization of ^^^^ '^ colouy thither. Wherefore they agreed with the West India Company with 
New Neiheriand. ^-j^g approbation of tlic Statcs General at tlie Hague. In the year sixteen hundred and 
fifty-six, they shipped accordingly over to JVew JYetherland seventy families, to which they added 
three hundred Waldenses who had been driven out of Piedmont. These embarked on the fifteenth 
of December by beat of drum. =* Colonization prospered. Meanwhile, when the war between the 
English crown and the United Netherlands broke out, the Dutch found themselves, after ten years 
possession, so powerless against the English that they surrendered to tliis nation. JYew Jimsterdam 
obtained consequently the name of JYew York. The conquered inhabitants experienced great incon- 
venience inasmuch as Trade was suddenly brought to a stand. 

1 The preceding part of this article seems to have been borrowed from Van der Donck's Beschryving van Nieuw 
Nederlandt, published in Holland in 1656. Ed. 

2 They settled in what is now the State of Delaware. Ed 



[ From Baudartius. ] 

Inasmuch as the multitude of people, not only natives but fbreigneis, who are seeking a liveli- 
liood in the United Provinces is very great, so that where one stiver is to be earned there are ten hands 
ready to seize it, especially in Holland which' is tlie reservoir of divers kingdoms and countries. 
Many are obliged, on this account, to go in search of other lands and residences where they can 
obtain a living more easily and at less expense. Accordhigly, in tlie }ear 1624, as in previous 
years, divers families went from Holland to Virginia in tlie West Indies, a great portion of them 
being English, called Brownists, whom King James will not permit nor suffer to live in his land, 
because tliey hold and maintain divers points of religion improbated by the present chm-ch of 

A ship arrived in August from that part of Virginia called New Netherland, which had conveyed 
some families from Holland thither. This vessel brings many and various letters from private 
individuals, each written to friends and acquaintances, whereof this is mostly the tenor — 

" We were much gratified on arriving in this country ; Here we found beautiful rivers, bubbling 
fountains flowing down into the valleys ; basins of running waters in the flatlands, agreeable fruits in 
the woods, such as strawberries, i^igeon berries, walnuts, and also voor lahnisten or wild grapes. Tlie 
woods abound with acorns for feeding hogs, and with venison. There is considerable fish in the 
rivers ; good tillage land ; here is, especially, free coming and going, without fear of the naked 
natives of the country. Had w'e cows, hogs, and other cattle fit for food (which we daily expect 
in the first ships) we would not wish to return to Holland, for whatever we desire in the paradise 
of Holland, is here to be found. If you will come hither Avith your family, you will not regret it." 

This and similar letters have roused and stimulated many to resolve to emigrate thither with 
their families, in the hope of being able to earn a handsome livelihood, strongly fancying that they 
will live there in luxury and ease, whilst here on the conrary, they must earn their bread by the 
sweat of their brow. Baudartius' Gedenkwaardige Geschiedenissen zo kerkelyke ah wereldlyke. 
2 vols. fol. Arnhem. 1624. 

[We translate the above from the Sheboygan JVieuwshode of 15 Sept. 1851. Gulielmus Baudartius 
(or Baudart) the author of the work from which it is borrowed, was Minister at Zutphen for a 
period of thirty six years. He was originally a native of Deinse in Flanders, and was selected at 
the Synod of Dort as one of the translators of the Old Testament — so great was his reputation as a 
Hebrew Scholar. He died at Zutphen in 1640, at the age of 66 years. A list of his works will be 
found in the Biog. Universelle ; Biog. Diet. Watts &c. The Gedenkwaardige Geschiedenissen, or 
Remarkable ecclesiastical and political Events, from 1603 to 1624, is represented as a sort of Supple- 
ment to Van Meteren's History. Ed. [ 



[Court of Assize Book.] 

At >« Court of Assizes held in New Yorke 
ye 2«i day of October 1665 &c. 
The Tryall of Ralph Hall and Mary his wife, upon suspicion of Witchcraft. 
The names of the Persons who served on the Grand Jury. 
Thomas Baker, fforeman of y^ Jury, of East Hampton. 
Cap' John Symonds of Hempsteed. 

M^ Hallet ) 

» i.1 TTT 4. } Jamaica 

Anthony Waters ^ 

Thomas Wandall of Marshpath Kills. 

M' Nicolls of Stamford 

Balthazer de Haart 

John Garland 

Jacob Leisler 

Anthonio de Mill > of New Yorke. 

Alexander Munro 

Thomas Searle 

The Prisoners being brought to the Barr by AUard Anthony, Sheriffe of New Yorke, This follow- 
ing Indictm' was read, first against Ralph Hall and then ag^t Mary his wife, viz'. 

The Constable and Overseers of the Towne of Seatallcott, in tlie East Riding of Yorkshire upon 
Long Island, Do Present for our Soveraigne Lord the King, That Ralph Hall of Seatallcott aforesaid, 
upon ye 25"' day of December ; being Christmas day last, was Twelve Monthes, in the 15"' yeare 
of the Raigne of our Soveraigne Lord, Charles y° Second, by the Grace of God, King of England, 
Scotland, ffrance and Ireland, Defender of the ffaith &c, and severall other dayes and times since 
that day, by some detestable and wicked Arts, commonly called Witchcraft and Sorcery, did (as is 
suspected) maliciously and feloniously, practice and Exercise at the said towne of Seatalcott in 
the East Riding of Yorkshire on Long Island aforesaid, on the Person of George Wood, late of the 
same place by w<='' wicked and detestable Arts, the said George Wood (as is suspected) most danger- 
oiisly and mortally sickned and languished. And not long after by the aforesaid wicked and detesta- 
ble Arts, the said George Wood (as is likewise suspected) dyed. 

Moreover, The Constable and overseers of the said Towne of Seatalcott, in the East Riding of 


Yorkshire upon Long IsUmd aforesaid, do further Present for our Soveraigne Lord the King, T]:at 
some while after the death of tlie aforesaid George Wood, The said Ralph Hall did (as is suspected) 
divers times by y^ like wicked and detestable Ai'ts, comoulj' called Withcraft and Sorcery, Mali- 
ciously and feloniously practise and Exercise at the said Tovvne of Seatalcott, in the East Riding 
of Yorkshire upon Long Island aforesaid, on the Person of an Infant Childe of Ann Rogers, wid- 
dow of ye aforesaid George Wood deceased, by w** wicked and detestable Arts, tlie said Infant 
Cliilde (as is suspected) most dangerously & mortally sickned and languished, and not long after by 
the said Wicked and detestable Arts (as is likewise suspected) dyed. And so y*^ said Constable and 
Overseers do Present, That the said George Wood, and the s^^ Infante s'^ Childe by the wayes and 
meanes aforesaid, most wickedly maliciously and feloniously were (as is suspected) murdered by 
the said Ralph Hall at the times and places aforesaid, ag^t y^ Peace of Our Soveraigne Lord ye 
King and against the Laws of this Government in such Cases Provided. 

The like Indictm' was read, against Mary the wife of Ralph Hall. 

There upon, severall Depositions, accusing y® Prison^s of y« fact for which they were endicled 
were read, but no witnesse appeared to give Testimony in Court vive voce. 

Then the Clarke calling upon Ralpli Hall, bad him hold up his hand, and read as follovves. 

Ralph Hall thou standest here indicted, for that having not ye feare of God before thine eyes. 
Thou dld'st upon the 25"' day of December, being Cliristmas day last was 12 Moneths, and at seu'all 
other times since, as is suspected, by some wicked and detestable Arts, commonly called witchcraft 
and Sorcery, malicioixsly and feloniously practice and Exercise, upon the Bodyes of George \^"ood, 
aud an Infant Childe of Ann Rogers, by wliich said Arts, the said George Wood and tlie Infant 
Childe (as is suspected) most dangerously and mortally fell sick, and languisht unto death. Ralph 
Hall, what dost thou say for thyselfe, art tliou guilty, or not guilty ] 

Mary the wife of Ralph Hall was called upon in like manner. 

They both Pleaded not guilty and threw themselves to bee Tryed by God and the Country. 

Where upon, their Case was referr'd to y^ Jury, who brought in to the Court, this following 
verdict vizt. 

Wee liaving seriously considered the Case committed to our Charge, against y^ Prison''^ at tlie 
Barr, and having well weighed y« Evidence, wee finde tliat there are some suspitions by the Evi- 
dence, of what the woman is Charged witli, but nothing considerable of value to take away her life. 
But in reference to the man wee finde nothing considerable to charge him with. 

The Court tliere upon, gave this sentence, That the man should bee bound Body and Goods for 
his wives Apperance, at the next Sessions, and so on from Sessions to Sessions as long as they stay 
w^hjn this Government, In the meane while, to bee of ye good BehaviC So they were return'd 
into the Sheriffs Custody, and upon Entring into a Recognizance, according to the Sentence of the 
Court, they were released. 

[Orders Warrants Letters, II. 1 

A Release to Ralph Hall & Mary his wife from y^ Recognizance they 
entred into at the Assizes. 
These Are to Certify all whom it may Concerne That Ralph Hall & Mary liis wife (at present 
living upon Great Miuifords Island) are hereby released k acquitted from any & all Recognizances, 
bonds of appearance or oth'' obligations — entred into by them or either of them for the peace or 
good behavioi" upon account of any accusation or Indictem' upon suspition of Witch Craft brought 
into the Co^t of Assizes against them in the year 1665. There haueving beene no direct proofes 
nor furth'' prosecucon of tliem or eith"" of them since — Giuen und'' my hand at Fort James in New 
Yorke this 21ti' day of August 1668. ' R. NICOLLS. 


[Court of Assize Boole] 

An Orel'" for Katlierine Harrison to Remove from Westchestr. 
Whereas Complaint hatli beene made unto me by y^ Inhabitants of Westchestr agt Katlierine 
Harrison late of Wetliersfeild in his Ma*'es Colony of Connecticott widdow. That contrary to y® 
consent & good liking of y« Towne slie would settle amongst them & she being reputed to be a person 
lyeiug und' y« supposicon of Witchcraft hath given some cause of apprehension to y^ Inhabitants 
tliere, To y^ end their Jealousyes & feares as to tliis perticuler may be removed, I have tliought fitt 
to ord' & appoint that y^ Constable & Overseers of y^ Towne of Westchesti' do giue warning to 
y« said Katherine Harrison to remove out of their p'"cincts in some short tyme after notice giuen 
and they are likewise to admonish her to retorne to y® place of her former abode, that they 
nor their neighbours may receive no further disturbance by her, Given und' my hand at flfort James 
in New Yorke this 7'i» day of July, 1670. 

An Ord"" for Katherine Harrison & Capt" Richard Panton to appeare 
at ye ffbrt before y^ Governor. 
Whereas Complaint hath beene made unto me by y® Inhabitants of Westchesf ag* Katherine 
Harrison widdow That she doth neglect to refuse or obey my late Ord"" concerning her removall 
out of ye said Towne, Tliese are to require yo" that yo" give notice unto the said Katherine Harrison 
as also unto Capt" Richard Panton at whose house she resydeth. That they make their personal! 
appearance before me in this place on Wednesday next being y^ 24"i of this Instant month, when 
those of y^ Towne that have ought to object ag* them doe likewise attend, where I shall edeavo^ 
a Composure of this diiference betweene them. Given und"" my hand at ffort James in New Yorke 
this 20'i> day of August 1670. 

To ye Constable of Westchest^ 

A warrant to y' Constable of Westchesf to take an Account ol 
ye Goods of Katherine Harrison. 
These are to require yo" to take an Account of such Goods as haue lately beene brought from out 
of his Maties Colony of Connecticott unto Katherine Harrison & having taken a note of ye pticulers 
that yo" retorne ye same unto me for ye doeing w^hereof this shall be yo^ warrant. Given und"" my 
hand at Ifort James in New Yorke this 25'h day of August 1670. 
To ye p^sent Constable of Westchester. 

An Ord'" concerning Katherine Harrison. 
Wliereas seuerall Adresses haue beene made unto me by some of ye Inhabitants of Westchest^ on 
behalfe of ye rest desiring that Katherine Harrison late of Wethersfeild in his Mat'es Colony of Con- 
necticott widdow at p^sent residing in their Towne may be ordered to remove from thence & not 
permitted to stay w'^in their Jurisdiction upon an appreliension tliey have of her grounded upon 
some troubles she hath layne und"" at Wethersfeild upon suspition of Witchcraft, the reasons whereof 
do not so clearly appeare unto me, Yett notw^i'standing to giue as much satisfaction as may be to ye 
Comp''* who pi'tend their feares to be of a publique Concerne I have not thought fitt absolutely 
to determyne ye matf at pi'sent, but do suspend it untill ye next Gen''" Co>'' of Assizes, when there 
will be a fuU meeting of ye Councell & Justices of y* peace to debate & conclude ye same. In ye 
meane tyme ye said Katherine Harrison w'^ her Children may remaine in the Towne of Westchesf^ 
where she now is w'^out disturbance or molestation, she having given sufficient security for her 
Civill carriage & good beliaviour. Given und^ my hand at flfort James in New York this 25"> day 
of August in ye 22"' yeare of his Ma*'es Raigne Annoq Domini 1670. 


An" 1670. 

Appeals, Actions, Presentrnt^ &c. Entred for Hearing & Tryall at y« Gen^i' 
Co" of Assizes to bee held in New Yorke beginning on the first 
Wednesday of Octobr 1670. 
Katherine Harryson bound over to appeare upon y^ Comp'* of the Inhabitants of Westchester 
upon suspicon of Witch-craft. 

In the case of Katherine Harryson Widdow, who was bound to the good Behaviour upon Complt 
of some of the Inhabitants of Westchester untill ye holding of this Court, It is Ordered, that in regard 
tliere is nothing appears against her deserving the continuance of that obligacon shee is to bee 
releast from it, & hath Liberty to remaine in the Towne of Westchester where shee now resides, or 
any where else in the Governm' during her pleasure. 








[ Translated from the Original Dutch MS. ] 

Vol. IV. 


The Assessment Roll of Kings County for the year 1676. wUl be found in the Doc. Hist, of N. T., Vol. II 


ON THE 19th AUGUST, 1675. 

PiETER Parmentir : 3 polls, 2 horses, 3 oxen, 6 cows, 2 ditto of 3 yrs., 3 ditto of 

2 yrs., 2 ditto of 1 year, 4 hogs £1-18 . 10 

32 morgens of land and valley 64 


Jan Cornelise Dame : 1 poll, 4 horses, 6 cows, 1 ditto of 3 years, 2 ditto of 2 yrs, 

3 ditto of 1 yr., 16 sheep, 8 hogs ^£124 

28 morgens of land and valley 56 


JoosT Koeckwytt : 1 poll, 2 horses, 8 cows, 2 ditto of 3 yrs., 1 ditto of 2 yrs., 2 

ditto of 1 yr,, 6 sheep, 1 hog , X99 

1 5 morgens of land and valley 30 


Pieter Janse Witt : 3 polls, 3 liorses, 1 ditto of 3 yrs, 7 cows, 3 ditto of 3 yrs, 4 

ditto of 2 yrs. 8 ditto of 1 yr. 3 hogs, 13 sheep £175 , 10 

50 morgens of land and valley 100 


Woutter Gisberse : 1 poll, 3 horses, 4 cows, 3 ditto 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 3 

ditto of 1 yr. 2 slieep ^£96 

18 morgens of land and valley 36 


Jan Paris : 1 poll, 2 horses, 6 cows, 3 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 5 sheep, £86 

23 morgens of land and valley 46 


Charles Fonttein : 1 poll, 1 horse of 3 yrs. 2 oxen, 10 cows, 4 ditto of 3 yrs. 6 

ditto of 2 yrs. 2 ditto of 1 yr. 4 hogs £122 

40 morgens of land and valley 80 


EuERT Hedeman : 1 poll, 1 horse, 2 oxen, 2 cows, 1 hog £53 

13^ morgens of land and valley 27 


Jaques Cossartt : 1 poll, 2 cows, 1 hog, 5 sheep,. £31 

•5 morgens of land 10 


Pieter Schamp : 1 poll, 2 cows, 1 sheep, 3 morgens of land 34 . 10 

Adriaen de la Forge : 1 poll, 1 cow, 1 ditto of 2 yrs 25 . 10 

GisBERT Xheunisse : 2 polls, 3 horses, 2 ditto of 2 yrs, 2 ditto of 1 yr. 4 cows, 2 

ditto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 2 ditto of 1 yr. 1 hog, 10 sheep £129 

22 morgens of land & valley 44 

J '73 

Charles Holsman : 1 poll, 1 horse, 3 cows ^£45 

1 1 morgens of land & valley 22 



Stas de groott : 1 poll, 1 horse, 1 cow 

CoRNELis Jansen : 1 poll, 1 horse of 3 yrs. 1 cow 1 ditto of 3 yrs. 1 ditto of 2 yrs .£37.10 

morgens of land and valley 8 

Jan Cornelise Zeuw : 1 poll, 2 horses, 2 cows, 5 sheep, 54 

17 morgens of land and valley, 34 

Alexander Coqueuertt : 1 poll, 1 horse, 2 sheep, 1 hog JE32 

2 morgens of land 4 

VoLCKERT Dierckse : 2 polls, 3 horses, 1 d^ of 3 yrs. 1 ditto of 1 yr. 5 cows, 4 

do of 3 yrs. 3 ditto of 1 yr. 6 sheep, 2 hogs i:i29 

25 morgens of land & valley 50 

Jabecq Dierckse : 1 poll, 1 horse, 1 ditto of 3 yrs. 1 cow, 1 sheep, je43 . 10 

5 morgens of land 10 

" - ' ■ » 

Hendrick Barense Smitt : 1 poU, 4 horses, 2 ditto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 6 

cows, 4 ditto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 5 ditto of 1 yr. 3 hogs, 3 sheep. . . £154 
20 morgens of land & valley 40 

1 Incorrectly printed, " Oufie" in Vol : II. 



Caspeert Jansen : 2 polls, 2 horses, 1 ditto of 1 yr. 1 cow ^£73 

3 morgens of land 6 


PiETTER Jansen Zeuw : 1 poll, 1 horse, 1 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 cow 40 

Onfre'Kley : 2 polls, 2 horses, 3 ditto of 3 yrs. 6 cows, 3 ditto of 2 yrs. 3 ditto 

of 1 yr .£12(5 

12 morgens of land and valley 24 


Jan Jansen : 2 polls, 1 cow of 2 yrs. 1 hog 39.10 

Jan Jorese : 1 poll, 2 horses, 5 cows, 3 sheep, 1 hog, j£80 . 10 

5. morgens of land 10 




Jan Ariaensen : 1 poll, 3 cows, 1 d" of 3 yrs. 2 d" of 1 yr. 3 hogs, 2 sheep £44 

3 morgens of land 6 

. 50 

Arte Cornelise Vogel : 2 polls, 3 sheep 37. 10 

Amador Foupier : 1 poll, 2 horses, 1 ditto of 2 yrs £47 

21 morgens of land & valley 44 


Seimen Haeckx : 1 poll, 18 

Jabecq Jansen : 1 poll 18 

Nelttie Jans : 2 cows, 3 sheep 11 

Jan Jansen Kuiper : 1 poll, 18 

Dierck Volckerse : 1 poll, 3 horses, 1 of 2 yrs. 2 of 1 yr. 3 cows, 1 of 3 yrs. 1 

of 1 yr. 6 sheep £88 , 

36 morgens of land & vaUey 72 





Joseph Hael : 1 poll, 1 cow, 23 

WiLLEM Jacobse : 1 poll 18 

Theunes Gisberse Bogaertt : 8 morgens of valley 16 

The valuation of the Real and personal property in Boswyck amounts to .£3174 , 10 


Theunes Jansen: 3 polls, 4 horses, 1 ditto of 1 yr. 2 oxen, 4 cows, 4 ditto of 3 

yrs. 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 4 ditto of 1 yr. 5 hogs, <£169 

23 morgens of land and valley, 46 


Claes Arense : 3 polls, 1 horse, 4 cows, 1 ditto of 3 yrs. 1 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 ditto of 

1 yr . , , j£94 

14 morgens of land and valley, 28 


Mattheis Brouwer: 1 poll, 2 cows, 28 

I A morgen valley, 3 


Paulus Vander Beecke: 2 polls, 2 horses, 4 cows, 3 ditto of 3 yrs. 1 ditto of 1 yr. £93.10 

20 morgens of land and valley, ... - 40 


Jan Pietterse, the Elder : 1 poll, 4 oxen, 6 cows, 3 ditto of 2 yrs. 4 ditto of 1 year, je85 .10 • 

16 morgens of land and valley, 32 

— ■■ 117.10 

Jan Cornelise Buis : 1 poll, 2 horses, 2 cows, 1 ditto of 2 yr. 1 ditto of 1 yr. 12 

sheep, 59 

Dierck Stoorm : 1 poll, 2 cows, 1 ditto of 3 yrs. 1 hog, 33 

Nicklaes Backer : 1 poll 1 horse, 3 cows, 3 ditto of 2 yrs. 2 ditto of 1 yr. 6 hogs, Ml . 10 

18 morgens of land and vallev, 36 . 


Joost Fransen : 1 poll, 2 horses, 4 cows, 1 ditto of 3 yrs. 3 ditto of 2 yr. 2 

ditto of 1 year £76 .10 

10| morgens land and valley 21 


Cornells Corse Vroom : 1 poll,» 2 horses, 1 ditto of 1 year, 3 cows, 2 ditto of 2 

years, 1 ditto of 1 year, 4 sheep, 2 hogs £70 

22 morgens of land and valley 44 

114 . 

Jan Pietterse Mackelyck :' 1 poll, 4 oxen, 4 cows, 1 ditto of 1 yr., 2 hogs £65.10 

12 morgens land and valley 24 

89 10 

Dierck Cornelise Hooglantt : 3 polls, 2 horses, 6 cows, 2 ditto of 2 yrs., 3 ditto of 

1 yr., 2hogs £119.10 

8 morgens of land and valley 16 


1 Incorrectly printed "Mackenzie" in the second volume. 


Paulus Mickielse Van der Voortt : 1 poll, 1 horse of 3 yrs., 2 oxen, 3 cows, 1 "* 

ditto of 3 yrs., 1 ditto of 1 yr £5S .10 

10 morgens of land and valley 20 


Willem Willemse : 1 poll, 2 horses, 2 oxen, 6 cows, 2 ditto of 2 yrs., 4 ditto of 

1 yr., 1 hog jE96 

ISi^aorgens of land and valley 27 


Dierck Hattum : 1 poll, 2 oxen, 1 cow, 1 ditto of 2 yrs 37 . 10 

1 i morgen of land 3 

40 . 10 

Rhem Jansen : 3 polls, 5 horses, 8 cows, 4 ditto of 3 yi-s., 4 ditto of 2 yrs., 4 

ditto of 1 year, 2 hogs £188 

1 9 morgens of land and valley 38 


Frederick Lubberse : 1 poll, 6 cows, 1 ditto of 2 yrs., 2 ditto of 1 yr., 7 sheep j£56.10 

1 5 morgens of land and valley 30 


Pietter van Neestt : 1 poll, 5 cows, 2 hogs 45 

5i morgens land and valley ^ 11 


Pietter Jansen : 1 poll, 2 horses, 5 cows, 3 ditto of 2 yrs., 4 ditto of 1 yr. ... jESO.lO 

8 morgens of laud -16 


Big Jan : 2 polls, 2 oxen, 2 cows, 1 ditto of 2 yrs., 1 ditto of 1 yr 44 

2 morgens of valley 4 


Johannes Christelfel : 1 poll, 2 oxen, 2 cows 40 

6 morgens of land and valley 12 


Thomes Jansen : 1 poll, 2 horses, 2 cows 52 

Conradus vander Beeck : 1 poll, 2 oxen, 3 cows £45 

14 morgens of land and valley 28 


Ackeys Jansen : 1 poll, 1 cow 23 

Panlus Dierckse : 2 polls, 2 horses, 2 oxen, 7 cows, 2 ditto of 2 yrs., 5 ditto of 

1 yr.,3 hogs £122.10 

12 morgens of land and valley 24 


Dierck Pauluse : 1 poll, 1 horse of 3 yr. 3 cows, 4 ditto of 2 yrs. 3 ditto of 1 

yr. 1 hog, £56 . 10 

12 morgens of land and valley, 24 


Weynantt Pietterse : 1 poll, 2 horses, 3 cows, 1 ditto of 2 yr. 2 ditto of 1 yr £62 . 10 

5 morgen of land 10 


Adam Brouwer : 2 polls, 2 cows, 3 ditto of 3 yrs. 3 sheep, 1 hog £60 

1 1 morgen of valley 3 

— 63 


Johannes Marcuse •. 1 poll 18 

Euertt Hendrickse : 1 poll 18 

Gerritt Croesen : 1 poll, 2 oxen, 4 cows, 2 ditto of 3 yrs. 3 ditto of 2 yrs. 2 

ditto of 1 yr. 3 hogs £71 . 10 

14 morgens land & valley 28 

^ 99.10 

Egbert Steuense : 1 poll 18 

Seimen Aerseu : 1 poll, 2 oxen, 3 cows, 2 ditto of 1 yr. 3 hogs £61 

10 morgens of land and valley 20 

Pietter Pietterse : 1 poll 1 horse 

Lambert Jansen Dortlantt : 1 poll 4 cows £o8 

8 morgens of land and vaUey 16 

Theunes Gisbertse Bogaertt : 3 polls, 4 horses, 1 ditto of 1 yr. 2 oxen, 14 cows, 6 

ditto of 3 yrs. 6 ditto of 2 yrs. 10 ditto of 1 yr. 6 hogs £247 

40 morgens of land and valley 80 

Hendrick Theymese : 1 poll, 1 horse, 3 cows £i6 

3 morgens of land 6 

Thomes Lamberse : 2 polls, 3 horses, 1 ditto of 1 year, 6 cows, 2 ditto of 3 

year, 4 ditto of 2 yrs. 2 ditto of 1 yr. 6 sheep, 1 hog £129 . 10 

23 morgens land and valley 46 



Jerom de Rappallie : 3 polls,3 cows, 1 ditto of 1 yr. 1 horse £82, 10 

8 morgens of land and valley 16 


Daniel de Rappallie : 1 poll, 1 horse, 1 cow 35 

Seimen Claessen : 1 poU, 1 horse, 1 cow 1 d" of 3 yrs. 2 hogs £41 

6 morgens of land 12 



Susanne Dubbels : 2 oxen, 5 cows, 3 ditto of 2 yrs., 3 ditto of 1 yr £i9 

8 morgen of land and valley 16 


Pietter Corse : 1 poll 18 

Hendrick Corse : 2 polls, 2 horses, 2 sheep je61 

10 morgens of land and valley 20 



Jan Gerrittse : 1 poll, 2 horses, 1 ditto of 2 yrs. 3 cows, 1 ditto of 2 yrs. 3 ditto 

of 1 yr. 2 sheep, f hog £71 

11^ morgens of land and valley 23 


Jean Aersen : 1 poll, 4 horses, 3 cows, 1 ditto of 2 yrs. 2 ditto of 1 year, 1 hog. . 87. 10 

Juflfw Potters : 1 horse, 1 ditto of 2 yrs. 4 cows, 1 ditto of 2 yrs. 2 ditto of 

1 yr. 2 hogs £44. 10 

18 morgens of land and valley 36 



Dierck Janse Voertman : 1 poll, 2 horses, 3 cows <£57 

9 morgens land and valley 18 


Maerten Ryerse : 1 poll, 4 horses, 1 ditto of 3 years, 6 cows, 1 ditto of 3 years, 

2 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 ditto of 1 yr. 1 hog £115 . 10 

31^ morgens of land and valley 63 


Catherine Jeronimus : 1 ox, 1 cow 11 

Jabeck Gisbertse : 1 poll, 2 horses, 3 cows, 1 ditto of 3 yrs. 3 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 

ditto of 1 yr. 2 hogs £67 

8 morgens of land and valley 16 


Jan Frederickse : 1 poll, 2 cows, 1 morgen of valley 30 

Baerent Hegberttse : 1 poll, 1 cow, 3 ditto of 3 yrs. 1 ditto of 2 years, 2 ditto 

of 1 year £40.10 

4 morgen of land and valley 8 


Jan Hansen : 1 poll, 2 horses, 4 cows, 2 ditto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 ditto of 

1 yr. 4 hogs £80 . 10 

10 morgens of land and vaUey 20 


Pietter Jansen : 1 poll, 1 horse, 3 cows £45 

8 morgens of land and valley 16 


Michil Hansen : 1 poU, 2 horses, 4 cows, 2 ditto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 2 yrs ... . £75 

20 morgens of land and valley 40 


Wouter Geisse : 1 poll 18 

Andries Jurianse : 2 polls, 4 horses, 6 cows, 3 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 ditto of 1 yr. 

4 sheep £124 . 10 

28 morgens of land and valley .• 56 

180 10 

Jan Gillese : 1 poll, 1 hog ... 19 

Joores Jacobse : 3 polls, 5 horses, 1 ditto of 1 yr. 5 cows, 3 ditto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto 

of 2 yrs. 4 ditto of 1 yr. 2 hogs £167 

40 morgens of land and valley 80 


Total amount of the valuation of the jurisdiction of Breuckelen £5,204 



Titus Sirix : 3 polls, 3 horses, 3 ditto of 1 yr. 7 cows, 6 ditto of 3 yrs. 4 ditto of 

1 yr.9 hogs .£173 

25 morgens laud and valley 50 

~~^~~^^^— ZZo 
Dierck Jansen van der Vliett : 2 polls, 3 horses, 4 cows, 2 ditto of 2 years 

1 ditto of 1 yr £98 . 10 

16 morgens of land and valley 32 


Stoffel probaskij : 1 poll 1 horse, 1 ditto of 3 yrs. 3 cows, 1 ditto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto 

of 1 yr. 1 hog i^61 

16 morgens land and valley 32 


Gerrit Luberse : 1 poll, 3 horses, 6 cows, 5 hogs jE89 

20 morgens of land and valley 40 


Seimen Luberse : 1 poll, 3 horses, 3 cows, 2 ditto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 

ditto of 1 yr. 1 hog £84.10 

13 morgens of land and valley 26 


Aucke Janse : 1 poll, 2 oxen, 4 cows, 5 sheep, <£52 

20 morgens of land and valley 40 


Reyn Jansen : 2 polls, 3 horses, 3 cows, 2 ditto of 1 yr. 2 hogs £92 

13 morgens of land and valley 26 


Dierck Jansen Hoglant : 1 poll, 2 horses, 4 cows, 1 ditto of 2 years, 1 ditto of 

1 yr. 1 hog £67 

20 morgens of land and valley 40 


Arie Reyerse : 1 poll, 4 horses, 1 ditto of 3 yrs. 5 cows, 1 ditto of 3 yrs. 1 ditto 

of 2 years, 1 ditto of 1 yr. 2 hogs £109 

20 morgens of land and valley 40 


Dierck Jansen : 1 poU 18 

Claes Willekes ; 1 poll 18 

Jan Harmense : 1 poll 18 

Aers Jansen : 1 poll, 3 horses, 3 cows 2 ditto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 1 yr. 2 hogs. . . £83.10 

20 morgens of land and valley 40 


Jan Barense : 1 poll, 1 horse, 3 cows 45 

Hans Christoifel : 1 poll, 2 horses, 3 cows, 1 hog 58 

Hendrick Willemse : 1 poll, 2 horses, 3 cows, 2 hogs £59 

15 morgens of land and valley, 30 


Vol. IV. 13 


Joores Willemse : 1 poll, 2 horses, 2 cows, 2 ditto of 3 yrs. 2 hogs £62 

15 morgens of land & valley .* 30 

Barteltt Claesse : 1 poll, 2 horses, 1 ditto of 2 yrs. 2 cows, 4 ditto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto 

of 1 yr. 1 hog j£77 

12 morgens of land & valley 24 

Jabecq Hendrickse : 1 poll, 4 horses, 3 cows, 3 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 ditto of 1 year . . £90 

16 morgens of land & valley 32 

Arie Lambertse : 1 poll, 3 horses, 4 cows, 1 ditto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 

ditto of 1 yr. 4 hogs jESS .10 

24 morgens of land & valley 48 

Annetie de Bruin : 2 horses, 2 cows j£34 

7 morgens of land 14 

Pietter Loott : 1 poll, 2 horses, 6 cows, 4 ditto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 ditto of 

1 yr. 2 hogs je96 .10 

16 morgens of land & valley 32 

Willem Guilhamse: 1 poll, 2 horses, 3 oxen, 7 cows, 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 3 ditto of 1 yr. jei04 .10 
16 morgens of land & valley 32 




Eldertt Luberttse : 1 poll, 3 horses, 4 cows, 2 hogs, ^£76 

16 morgens of land & valley 32 


Louis Jansen : 1 poll 18 

Jockem Woutters : 1 poll, 1 horse, 6 cows, 1 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 hog ^£63 . 10 

17 morgens of land & valley 34 


Minne Johannes : 3 polls, 1 horse, 1 cow 71 

Reyn Aersen : 1 poll, 2 horses, 4 cows, 2 ditto of 3 yrs. 1 ditto of 1 yr, 1 hog 73 . 10 

Jan Jansen : 1 poll, 2 horses, 1 ditto of 3 yrs. 2 oxen, 5 cows, 5 ditto of 3 yrs. 2 

ditto of 1 yr. 3 liogs jeil3 

17 morgens of land and valley . 34 





Leflfertt Pietterse : 1 poll, 2 horses, 2 cows, 1 ditto of 3 yrs. 1 ditto of 1 yr j£57 .10 

17 morgens of land & valley 34 


Jan Jansen Feyn : 1 poll, 2 oxen, 2 cows, 3 ditto of 2 yrs 47.10 

Willem Jacobse : 2 polls, 2 horses, 1 ditto of 3 yrs. 1 ditto of 1 yr. 2 oxen, 7 

cows, 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 ditto of 1 yr jei24 .10 

24 morgens of land & valley 48 


Jan Auckes : 1 poll, 1 horse, 1 cow 35 

Pietter Guilliamse : 1 poll, 6 oxen, 5 cows, 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 3 hogs JE87 

19 morgens of land and valley 36 




Lambert Jansen : 1 poll 18 

Jan Streicker : 3 polls, 3 horses, 1 ditto of 1 yr. 12 cows, 2 ditto of 3 yrs. 3 

ditto of 2 yrs. 5 ditto of 1 yr. 2 hogs ^£178 

30 morgens of land and valley 60 


Hendrick Streicker : 1 poll, 2 horses £i2 

12 morgens of land 24 


Barentt Barense : 1 poll 18 

Arie Hendriokse : 1 poll, 2 horses of 1 yr. 1 cow, 1 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 ditto of 

1 yr. 1 hog «. 34 

Arie Andriese : 1 poU, 1 horse, 1 cow 35 

Gerritt Snedeger : 1 poll, 4 horses, 1 ox, 6 cows, 3 ditto of 2 yrs. 2 ditto of 

1 yr. 5 hogs jEllT.lO 

20 morgens of land and valley 40 


Cornells Janse Zeuw : 1 poll, 3 horses, 5 cows ^£79 

30 morgens of land & valley CO 


Caterine Hegemans : 3 poUs, 5 horses, 4 oxen, 10 cows, 6 ditto of 3 years, 4 

ditto of 2 yrs. 2 ditto of 1 yr. 4 hogs ^229 

36 morgens of land & valley , 72 


Hendrick Joorese : 1 poll, 3 horses, 11 cows, 3 ditto of 2 yrs. 5 ditto of 1 yr jei24 

17 morgens of land and valley 34 


Gisbert Jansen : 1 poll 18 

Cornells Berry : 1 poll, 4 horses, 1 ditto of 1 yr. 7 cows, 2 ditto of 1 yr. 3 sheep JB108 

23 morgens of land & valley 46 


CorneUs Jacobse : 1 poll 18 

Hendrick Corhelise Slechtt : 1 poll, 2 cows, 1 ditto of 3 yrs. 1 ditto of 1 year, 

4 hogs, je37.10 

3 morgens of land 6 


Jacob Jansen : 1 poll 18 

Cornells Barense : 1 poU, 3 horses, 1 ditto of 1 yr. 5 cows, 3 ditto of 3 yrs. 2 

ditto of 2 yrs. 3 ditto of 1 yr. 1 hog jei04.10 

15 morgens of land and valley 36 


Jan Sebringh : 2 polls, 4 horses, 1 ox, 6 cows, 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 2 ditto of 1 yr . 4 hogs £132 

1 9 morgens of land and vaUey 38 


Balttes Barense : 1 poll, 2 cows 28 

Claes Barense : 1 poU, 1 horse of 3 yrs. 1 cow of 2 yrs 28 . 10 

Stoflfel Jansen : 1 poll, 1 horse of 3 yrs 26 

Total amount of the valuation of the property of Middelwout ^65079 . 10 




Gerrit Rienniers : 2 pollsj 4 horses, 7 cows, 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 ditto of 1 yr £125 .10 

23 mors;ens of land and vaUey 46 


Harmeu Heudrickse : 1 poU, 3 liorses, 5 cows, 1 ditto of 3 yrs. 1 ditto of 2yr. 1 hog <£8^ . 10 

25 morgeus of land and valley 50 

— 136.10 

Albert Albertse : 2 poll?, 3 liorses, 2 ditto of 3 yrs. 6 cows, 3 ditto of 2 yrs £125 .10 

29 morgens of land and valley 58 


Steuen Coertten : 2 poUs, 4 horses, 1 ox, 8 cows, 6 ditto of 2 years, 2 hogs.. . £147 

30 morgens of land and vaUey 60 


Hans Jansen : 1 poll, 2 oxen, 4 cows, 1 ditto of 1 year £51 .10 

17 morgens of land and valley 34 


Pietter Hendrickse : 1 poll, 1 horse 30 

Swaen Jansen : 1 poll, 2 horses, 2 cows £52 

5 morgens of land 10 


Dierck Jansen : 1 poll, 2 horses, 3 cows £57 

7 morgens of land 14 


Abraham Joorese : 1 poll, 2 horses, 1 ditto of 1 yr. 2 oxen, 14 cows, 3 ditto of 3 

yrs. 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 5 ditto of 1 yr £151 . 10 

35 morgens of land and vaUey 70 


WiUem Jansen van Berckelo : 1 poll, 1 horse, 1 ditto of 2 yrs. 2 cows * 45 

Hendrick Pietterse: 1 poll, 3 horses, 4 cows, 3 ditto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 hog £92 
19 morgens of land and valley 38 


Seimen Jansen : 2 polls, 4 horses, 1 ox, 8 cows, 3 ditto of 3 yrs. 3 ditto of 2 

yrs. 3 ditto of 1 yr. 6 sheep, 2 hogs £1 58 . 10 

32 morgens of land and valley , 64 


Coert Steuense : 1 poll, 4 horses, 3 oxen, 6 cows, 2 ditto of 3 yrs. 3 ditto of 

2 yrs. 3 ditto of 1 yr £134 

44 morgens of land & valley 88 


Pieter Monforth : 1 poll 18 

Jan Kiersen : 2 polls, 2 horses, 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 4 cows, 4 ditto of 3 yrs. 1 

ditto of 1 yr. 4 sheep £105 

31 morgens of land and valley 62 



Willem Gerritts : 2 polls, 3 horses, 2 ditto of 3 yrs. 1 ditto of 2 yr. 6 cows, 2 

ditto of 4 yrs. 3 ditto of 3 yrs. 3 ditto of 2 yrs. 2 ditto of 1 yr. 2 hogs =£157.10 

28 morgens of land and valley 56 

Dierckie Roeleffse : 1 horse, 2 cows, 1 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 hog £25 .10 

4 morgens of land 8 

Willem Dauittse : 1 poll, 2 horses, 1 ditto of 1 yr. 4 cows, 2 ditto of 1 yr .£68 

12 morgens of land & valley 24 

Claes Pietterse : 2 liorses, 1 ox, 4 cows 1 ditto ot 3 yrs. 1 hog ... £55 

7 morgens of land 14 

Gilles Jansen : 2 polls, 2 horses, 2 oxen, 3 cows 1 ditto of 1 year £88.10 

10 morgens of land & valley 20 




Jan Roeleffse : 2 polls, 4 l\orses, 1 ox, 10 cows, 1 ditto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 2 

yrs. 2 ditto of 1 yr. 6 sheep, 2 hogs £1 56 : 10 

52 morgens of land and valley 104 


Albertt Alberttse, Jun'' : 1 poll, 1 horse, 3 cows, 1 ditto of 2 yrs 47 . 10 

Jacob and Gerritt Streycker : 3 poUs, 3 horses 5 cows, 2 ditto of 3 yrs. 6 hogs, and 

1 ^ morgens of land 132 

Pietter Cornelise : 2 polls, 4 horses, 1 ditto of 1 yr. 6 cows, 2 ditto of 3 yrs. 4 

ditto of 2 yrs. 3 ditto of 1 yr. 2 hogs £141 . 10 

24 morgens of land & valley 48 

Jan Theunisse , 1 poll 1 horse 

Hendrick Assuerus : 1 poll 

Adam Michilse : 1 poll 

Fernandes van Cickel : 1 poll, 2 horses, 3 cows 

Luyckes Steuense : 1 poll, 3 liorses, 4 cows 1 ditto of 1 yr £75 . 10 

20 morgens of land & vaUey 40 

Jan Poppen : 1 poll, 2 liorses, 1 cow 

Jan Maerttense : 1 poll, 2 horses, 3 cows, 1 ditto of 2 yrs. 2 ditto of 1 yr £62. 10 

10 morgens of land & valley 20 












Willem Willemse : 1 poll, 4 horses, 4 cows £86 

1 1 morgens of land & valley 22 

* — ■■ 108 

Willem Huycken : 1 poll, 3 cows 33 

Jan Brouwer : 1 poll, 1 horse, 1 cow, 1 ditto of 1 yr 36 . 10 

Pietter Claessen : 2 polls, 4 horses, 1 ditto of 2 yr. 10 cows, 2 ditto of 3 yrs. 3 

ditto 2 yrs. 4 sheep, 2 hogs. . .■; £1 58 

59 morgens of land & valley 118 




Ariaen Pietterse : 1 poll, 2 horses, 2 cows £52 

8 morgens of land & valley 16 


Total amoimt of the whole property of Amsfort ,£4008. 10 


Jan Hansen : 1 poll, 3 liorses, 4 cows, 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 ditto of 1 yr £80 . 10 

40 morgens land and valley 80 


Barent Joosten : 1 poll, 3 horses, 1 ditto of 2 yrs. 7 cows, 4 ditto of 2 yrs. 5 

ditto of 1 yr. 3 hogs 114 10 

Anthony Theunisse : 1 poll, 1 horse 30 

Theunes Jansen van Peltt : 2 polls, 4 horses, 4 cows .£104 

32 morgens of land and valley 64 


Jacob Bastiaense : 1 poll 18 

Crein Jansen : 1 poll, 2 horses, 1 ditto of 1 yr .£45 

12 morgens of land 24 


Jan Gisberttse : 1 poll 18 

Jean Van Cleff : 1 poll, 1 horse, 4 cows, 2 ditto of 1 yr £55 

40 morgens of land and valley 80 


Jan Jansen Van Dyck : 1 poll, 2 horses, 2 cows, 1 ditto of 1 yr £53 . 10 

16 morgens of laud 23 


Gisbert Theyse : 1 poll, 2 horses, 2 cows, 1 ditto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 2 yrs. . . . £61 

18 morgens of land and valley 36 


Hendrick Mattheise : 1 poll, 4 horses, 3 cows, 3 ditto of 2 yrs. 3 ditto of 1 yr . . . £93 

20 morgens of land and valley 40 


Carel Jansen van Dyck : 2 polls, 2 horses, 3 cows, 3 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 ditto of 1 yr. £84 

24 morgens of land and valley 48 


Huibert Jansen Stock : 1 poll 18 

Jan Jansen van Rheyn : 2 polls, 1 horse of 2 yrs. 5 cows, 2 ditto of 1 year .... £69 

20 morgen of land 40 

" 109 

Pietter Jacobse : 1 poll, 2 cows 28 

Theys Jansen : 1 poll, 2 oxen, 2 cows, 1 ditto of 3 yrs. 1 ditto of 1 yr. 1 hog £46 . 10 

12 morgens of land 24 

*' 70.10 


Jan Clement : 1 horse, 2 cows, 1 ditto of 1 jr 41.10 

Jan Musserol : 1 poll, 2 oxen, 2 cows £40 

12 morgens of land 24 


Anthony Van der Eycke : 1 poll, 2 horses, 2 cows, 2 ditto of 3 yrs. 1 hog JE61 

12 morgens of land 24 


Jan van Deuenter : 2 polls, 2 horses, 1 ditto of 3 yrs. 3 cows, 1 ditto of 1 yr, 

2 hogs , 86 . 10 

JjUyckes Mayerse : 1 poll, 2 horses, 1 cow, 4 ditto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 3 hogs £67 

20 morgens of land 40 


Jan Verckerck : 3 polls, 5 horses, 2 ditto of 1 yr. 4 cows, 10 sheep X144 

72 morgens of land and valley 144 


Rutger Joostten : 1 poll, 5 horses, 4 cows, 8 ditto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 2 

ditto of 1 yr. 13 sheep, 1 hog £144.10 

72 morgens of land and valley 144 


Jan Gerrittse : 24 morgens of land 48 

Jacob Gerrittse : 24 morgens of land 48 

Ackeys Jansen : 12 morgens of land 24 

Laurens Jansen : 1 poll, 2 horses, 2 cows £52 

24 morgens-of land • 48 


Hans Harmense : 1 poll, 3 horses, 5 cows, 3 ditto of 2 yrs. 3 ditto of 1 yr. 5 

sheep, 1 hog £94 

24 morgens of land 48 


Arie Willemse : 1 poll, 4 horses, 6 cows £96 

24 morgens of land and valley 48 


Total amount of the entire property of New Uytrecht, £2,8 52 . 1 


Pounds, sh. Guild, st. 

3,174.10.0, valuation of Boswyck, at 1 stiver in the pound 158.14.8 £13. 4.6 

5,204. valuation of Breuckelen 260.4. 21.13.8 

5,079.10.0, valuation of Middelwout 253.19.8 21. 3.4 

4,008.10.0,valuationof Amsfortt 200. 8.8 16.14. 

2,852.10.0, valuation of New Uytrecht 142.12.8 11.17.8 

Total,20,319. valuation of the 5 Towns @ 1 stiv. per pound 1015.19. £84.13.2 


The valuacon of all the Jive Dutch villages amounts, as you see above, to 2031 pounds Sterl'g, 
reckoning tlie county rates at 1 penny in the pound, they amount to 84 pounds 13 shillgs and 2 
pence Sterl'g, or in current pay to 1,015 guilders 13shillgsj property being rated as follows : 

Each man @ £18. Each cow @ £5. 

Each horse @ 12. Each 3 year old @ . . = 4. 

Each 3 year old @ 8. Each 2 year old @ 2.10. 

Each 2 year old @ 5. Each yearling @ 1.10. 

Each yearling @ 3. Each hog @ 1. 

Each ox @ 6. Each sheep @ 8.6 

Each morgen of land @ 2 pounds Sterling. 
The whole account, errors excepted, most 
carefully examined by 

Your aflFectionate servant 







Vol. it. 



[ Council Mic: XVII.] 

In Council ; New York 5th Jan^y 1737. 
His Honor (Lt Gov Clark) laid before the Board several Queries being Twenty in number 
relating to this Province, which were sent to him by the Lords of Trade which having been read 
were ordered to be entered in the Minnits and are as follow viz*. 

Queries relating to His Majesty's Province of JVew York. 
N° 1 . What is the situation of the Province under your Government, the nature of the Country 
soil & Climate, tlie Latitudes & Longitudes of the most considerable places in it, or the neighbouring 
ffrench or Spanish settlements 1 Have those Latitudes & Longitudes been settled by good observa- 
tions, or only by common Computations, and from whence are the Longitudes Computed 1 

2. What are the Reputed boundaries, and are any parts thereof Disputed, what parts & by whom 1 

3. What is the Constitution of the Government 1 

4. What is the Trade of the Province, the number of shiping, their tunnage, and the number of 
sea-fearing men with y^ respective Increase or Diminution within ten years past 1 

5. What Quantity & sorts of British Manufactures do the Inhabitants annually take from hence 1 

6. What Trade has the Province under ye Governm' with any foreign Plantations or any part 
of Europe, besides Great Britain, liow is that Trade carried on, what commoditys do the people 
under youi* Government send to, or receive from foreign plantations 1 

7. What methods are there used to prevent illegal Trade, and are the same effectual 1 

8. What is the Natural produce of the Country staple-Commoditys and Manufactures, and what 
vaUue thereof in sterling money may you annually Export 1 

9. What mines are there 1 

10. What is the number of Inhabitants white and Blacks ? 

11. Are the Inhabitants Increased or decreased within the last ten years, how much and for 
what reasons 1 

12. What is the number of the Militia ? 

13. What fforts and places of Defence are there within your Government, and in what Condition 1 

14. What number of Indians have you and how are they inclined ? 

15. What is the strength of the neighbouring Indians ? 

16. What is the strength of your neighbouring Europeans fifrench or Spaniards 1 

17. What effect have the fifrench or Spanish Settlements on the Continent of America upon His 
Majesty's plantations, especially on your province ? 

18. What is the Revenue arising within your Government and how Is it appropriated? 

19. What are the ordinary and extraordinary Expences of your Government? 

20. What are the Establishments civil & military within your Government, and by what authority 


Do the officers hold their places ? 

And to the End His Honor may be enabled to give tlieir Lordships the greatest satisfaction 
concerning tliem and the most certain distinct and perfect answers thereto that possibly can be 
procured or made. It is Ordered that the two first Queries be sent to Cadwallader Golden Esq"" 
His Majesty's Surveyor General of Land for this Province for him to make an answer thereto and 
transmit the same to his Honor. 

That the 4th 5th 6'h 7th gth be sent to the Collector of His Majesty's Customs and that he return 
an answer thereto. 

As to the 10"' Query that Orders issue to the Sherriffs of the several Countys within this Province, 
to transmit a particular and exact account of the number of Inhabitants, both Whites and Blacks 
in their respective Countys, Distinguishing in Columns for that purpose to be made, the number of 
Whites, Males and Females above and under Ten, and the number of Blacks, Males and Females 
above and under that age, so that a particular account may appear not only of the whole number of 
Inhabitants in each respective County, but also of the particular species or kind of Inhabitants of 
both Colours and sexes above and under the age aforesaid ; and for their better guidance and 
direction in the doing thereof. It is Ordered that the Clerk do send to eacla of the Sherriffs respect- 
ively a sample or Form, in wliich such accounts are so to be taken and made ; and that the same 
may be taken with as much certainty, as the nature of the Thing will possibly admit ; It is Ordered 
that the Sherriifs of the said several Countys be directed to Issue their Precepts or Summons's to 
the Constables, or other under officers of the several Towns, Parishes, Districts and Precincts, in 
each of their respective County's, requiring them to transmit to each of the Slierriffs respectively as 
soon as conveniently may be a particular account of the number of Inhabitants in manner as afore- 
said, in each of their respective Towns parishes precincts or Districts. 

As to the 12'" Quere — That orders be sent to the Collonells of the several Regiments of militia 
in the several Countys within this province, for them to send a particular account of the number of 
Men, Horse and ffoot in each of their respective Regiments. 

As to the 14* 15 16'^ & 17th Queres Ordered that the same be sent to the Commissioners of 
Indian affaires for them to return an answer thereto. 







By Cadwallader Colden Esq. 
Surveyor General. 


[From a MS. in the hand writing of the Author.] 

PROVINCE OF NEW YORK. FEB'y 14''' 1737 | 8. 

To the Honourable George Clarke Esq Lieut' Gouverneur of the 

Province of New York &c. 
May it please your Honour. 

In obedience to your Honour's Order in Council, of the 5th of the last month 

referring to me the following Queries from the Lords of Trade & Plantations viz — 

No. 1. "What is the Scituation of the Province under your Government, The Nature of the 

" Country, Soil, & Climate — The Latitude & Longitude of the most considerable places 

Queries from the ' ° '^ 

L'ds of Trade ajid " jn it, or the neighbouring French or Spanish Settlements 1 Have those Latitudes 
" and Longitudes been settled by good Observations ; or only by common Compu- 
" tations, and from whence are the Longitudes computed 1 

No. 2. " What are the reputed Boundaries and are any parts thereof disputed : what parts & by 

I shall, that Answer may be made thereto, mention such particulars as occur to me, from my own 
knowledge, or the Credible Information of others, on the Subject Matter of their LordP^ Queries, & 
Class them in the same order observ'd in the Queries. 

The Scituation of the Province of New York is to the Eastward of the Provinces of New Jersey 
& Pensylvania & of the Indian Countries lying to the Northward & Westward of Pen- 

Scitualion of the .^ <-' 

Province of New sylvauia ; To the Southward of Canada and the Indian Countries claimed by the 

York. ■' ' •' 

French, & To the Westward of the Colonies of Massathusetts Bay & Connecticut. 

The nature of the Country is more uneven, hiUy, stony, & rocky, than that of the Provinces to 
Nature of the the Southward of it. In some parts it is mountainous. At about 40 miles from tlie 
lo^iws'Zrfece!'''^*" City of Ncw York Northward, a chain of Mountains of about 10 miles in Breadth, 
Moumains. commoly Called the Highlands, cross Hudson's River running many miles from the 

Northeast Southwestward. About 90 miles Northward from New York another body of Mountains 
rise on the west side of Hudson's River, at about 10 miles from the River, & are commonly 
called the Kaats kill Mountains or Blew HiUs. From these Mountains the most 
River. northerly & main Branches of Delaware River, some Branches of Susquehana River, and 

several of Hudson's River take their rise. 

The Southern part of the Country, that is, from the sea on both sides of Hudson's River to 
The umber. witWu 20 miles of Albany, is generally cover'd with oaks of several sorts, intermixed 

■with Wallnuts, Chesnuts & allmost all sorts of Timber, according to the Difference of the Soil in 
several parts. I have seen in several parts of the Country large quantities of the Larix tree from 
whence Venice Turpentine is made, about Albany, & as I am inform'd, a great way up the Eastern 
Branch of Hudson's River, the Land is generally cover'd with Pines of several sorts. The Mohawk's 
Country or that part of this Province lying on both sides the Western Branch of Hudson's River, is 
generally cover'd with Beech, Maple & Elm. 

The settlements extend in Lenth, from the Ocean northward, along Hudson's River and the eastern 

branch of it, to about 40 miles to the Northward of Albany, & westward along the 

tiemTnu ' * " *'' wcstcm Branch, to about four score miles west nortliwest from Albany, so that the 


settled & improved part of New York extends about 200 miles in lenth. But there are few settle- 
ments any where to the Northward or Westward of Albany at any distance from the Branches of 
Hudson's River. 

In tlie Mohawks Country, the Level of the Land seems to be at the greatest heigth above the 
sea : for in that part of the Country, at about 50 miles west north west from Albany, 

The highest part /> ■, i 

exclusive of & 12 miles west from the Mohawks River, some Branches of the largest Rivers in 

mouiitauis above ' " 

the sea. Nortli Amcrica, k which run contrary courses, take their rise within 2 or 3, miles of 

each other, viz P' a Brancli of Hudson's river, which falls into the sea near New- York, after having 
run about 250 miles. 

2. The Oneida River running Northward falls into the Oneida Lake, which empties itself into the 
Cadarackui Lake at Oswego : from this Lake the great River S* Lawrence takes its rise, which pass- 
ing Montreal k Quebec empties it self into the Ocean opposite to Newfound land. S^'y a Branch of 
Susquehana River, which running Southerly passes through Peusylvania & Maryland, and empties 
it self into Clieasaspeak Bay in Virginia. 

The Province of New York has, for the Conveniency of Commerce, advantages by its Scituation 

beyond any other Colony in North America For Hudson's River, running through t1ie 

Rivers tc advaiii- ^liolc cxtcut of tliis Proviucc, affords the inhabitants an easy Transportation of all 

Jiges It thereby has ' j i. 

in its Commerce. ^]^q[j. Commoditics, to & from thc City of New York. From the Eastern Branch there 
Hudson's River, is Only land Carriage of sixteen miles to the Wood Creek, or to Lake S'. Sacrament, 
both of which fall into Lake Champlain, from whence Goods are transported by water to Quebec. 
But the Chief advantages are from the western Branch of Hudson's River. At 50 miles from 
Albany the Land Carriage from tlie Mohawks river to a lake from whence the Northern Branch of 
Susquehana takes its rise, does not exceed 14 miles. Goods may be carried from this 

Susquehana River. ^ ' 

lake in Battoes or flatt bottomed Vessels, through Pennsylvania, to Maryland k Vir- 
ginia, the current of the river running every where easy, without any cataract in all that large 
space, In going down this River two large branches of the same River are met, which come from the 
westward, & issue from the long ridge of mountains, whicli stretch along behind Pensylvania, 
Maryland, Virginia & Carolina, commonly call'd the Apalachy Mountains. By either of these 
Branches Goods may be carried to the Mountain & I am told that the passage through the Moun- 
tains to the Branches of the Misissipi which issue from the West side of these Mountains, is neither 
long nor difficult ; by which means an Inland Navigation may be made to the Bay of Mexico. 
From the Head of tlie Mohawks River there is likewise a sliort land Carriage of four miles only, to 
a Creek of the Oneida lake, which empties it self into Cadarackui Lake at Oswego : 

Thfi ^rciit Idifcs or 

Inland seas. aud tlic Cadarackui Lake, being truely an Inland sea, of greater breadth than can be 
seen by the eye, communicates with Lake Erie, the Lake of the Hurons, Lake Michigan & the Upper 
lake, all of them Inland seas, By means of these Lakes, & the Rivers Avhich fall into them, Com- 
merce may be carried from New York, through a vast Tract of Land, more easily than from any 
other maritime Town in North America. 

These advantages I am sensible, cannot be sufficiently understood, without a Map of North 
America. The best which I have seen, is M''. De L'Isle's Map of Louisiana, pubhshed in French in 
the year 1718. For this reason I frequently use the French names of places, that I may be better 

Tliere are great Quantities of Iron oar in several parts of the Province, Large Quantities of 
Sulphur in the Mohawks Country Salt Springs in the Onondaga Country. Lead oar 
Mniertd.. ^^^ likewisc bccu found in several parts of the Province, but no where as yet sufficient 

to pay tlie Expence of working. 


The Soil is less uniform, as the Surface is more unequal, than in the more Southern Provinces ; 
& consequently there is a great variety of soil in several parts of tlie Province. It is 

Nature of the soil. /.>,. iT->-r-.i^iii 

generally proper for most sort of Gram, as wheat, Rye, Barley, Oats, Maiz or Indian 
Corn & Buckwheat. The wheat of this Province is generally heavier than that of the Provinces 
more to the Southward & yields a larger quantity &. better kind of Flower. 

The soil is likewise more fit for pasturage running naturally, assoon as it is clear'd of the woods 
into clover and other good grass, & is almost every where intermixed with good meadow grounds. 
These in several parts ai-e of a deep rich black mold & liave when sufficiently drain'd produced Hemp 
to great advantage. What I say of Hemp is grounded on what has been done in New Jersey, & tho' 
the experiment has not been sufficiently tried in this Province, I can see no reason to doubt of 
the like success. 

On many of the Branches of Hudson's River, & near Albany on Hudson's river it self, there is 
a kind of soil made by the Rivers & extends about half a mile in breadth along the Rivers. This 
being made by the soil, which the Rivers let fall is exceeding rich, yields large crops of the best 
Wheat, and the repeated overflowings of the Rivers keeps it always in strenth. 

The Soil of the Mohawks Country is in general much richer & stronger, than that of the more 
Southern parts of the Province & exceeds any soil that I ever saw in any part of America. I am 
told, the same kind of soil extends through the countries of the Oneydoes, Onondagas, Cayugas, & 
Senekas. This soil, I am persuaded, wiU produce any tiling, that can be produced in a Climate 
where the Winters are very cold. 

The Climate of the Province of New York, confining it to the present christian Settlements, 
extends from the 40*'' degree and 30 min*. of Latitude to the 43^ degree & 30 minutes. 

The nature of the ° ^ 

ciima:e. It is mucli coldcr in Winter than those parts of Europe, which ly under the same 

parallels of Latitude, The Alterations in the Thermometer, are very considerable, as great perhaps 
as in any part of the world : but the changes in the Barometer are not so great, the Mercury seldom 
descending so low as in Brittain. The changes of Heat & Cold pass through all the degre<>s of the 
Thermometer. I have observ'd the Cold so great, that the Spirit in Patrick's Thermometer, which 
is fixed to liis portable Barometer, descended the space of 8| Gradations below all the Graduations 
marked on the Thermometer : at the same time, the Spirit in my Florentine Thermometer was in- 
cluded intirely witloin the Ball : But so great a degree of Cold happens seldom. The Peach & 
Quince trees were in many places killed by it, but the Apple k Pear trees are never hurt by the Cold. 
Hudson's River, so far as it is fresh is froze every year, so as to bear Horses & Carriages. The 
Excesses in Heat & Cold seldom continue a week together, or more than two or three dajs. The 
greatest cold is in January, & Heat in July & August. Since the Country has been settled & Clear'd 
the Seasons are become more moderate. 

The spring comes late, it is seldom sensible before April. This it is probable, is occasioned 
by great quantities of snow to the northward, which every where are cover'd from the Sun by thick 
Forests, & by melting slowly produces cold northerly winds. Tlie spring being late of consequence 
is shcrt, the succeeding warm weather produces a quick growth so that the face of the country, 
in a short time, becomes surprisingly changed. In the summer exceeding heavy Dews fall almost 
every night. The wheat harvest is in the beginning of July. 

The Fall of the leaf is the most pleasant season in this country. From the beginning of Septem- 
ber to December we have moderate weather with a serene sky the Horizon being seldom cover'd 
with clouds in that time. 

Vol. it. 15 


d m 
lilde'of'he moT' TliB Cltv of New York is in Latitude . . 40 .43 

considerable places. LoHgitude. 74.37 

Sandy Hook, a Cape in the Ocean at the Entrance into the Bay into which Hudson's River 

empties itself, Lat. . 40 . 25 

Long 74.37 
Albany, the second City in New York & most considerable place for the Fur trade, Lat . . 42 . 48 

Long. 74.24 
Ohswego, a Fort on Cadarackuy lake, From whence the Fur trade of Albany is carried on 

with the Western Indians, Lat . . 43 . 35 

Long. 76.50 
Philadelphia, Lat. . 39.58 

Long. 75.40 
Boston, Lat.. 42.25 

Long. 71.28 
Quebeck, the Capital of Canada, Lat . . 46 . 45 

Long. 09.48 
Montreal, the second Town in Canada & nearest New York, Lat . . 45 . 52 

Long. 74.10 
Crown Point, The place where the French have built a Fort, near the South end of Lake 

Champlain, Lat. . . 44 . 10 

Long. 74.00 
LoTimde^com'med'^'^^ Lougitude of all tlaese places is computed westward from the Meridian of 

The Latitude & Longitude of New York is from my own observations, which I am satisfied are near 
In what manner Guough the truth for common use, tho not made with sucli Instruments, care & 
LSmderii're'"detm-^curacy as is uccessary where the greatest exactness is requisite. The Longitude is 
mmed from the Immersions & Emersions of Jupiter's first Satellite, and the Calculations 

made from D'' Pound's Tables of that Satellite. 

The Latitude & Longitude of Boston are from the observations made at Cambridge Colledge in 
New England, & tliose of Quebeck from tlie observations of the French there. Those of the other 
places are computed from their distance & scituation, with respect to some one or more of these 
that are determined by Observation. 

The Province of New York is bounded, To the southward by the Atlantick Ocean, & runs from 
Sandy hook, including Long Island & Staten Island, up Hudson's River till the 4pt 

The reputed Bonn- ^ / a o i ir 

dariesofNewYork-ciegrce of Nortli LoDgitudc be compleated, which is about 20 miles above the City 
of New York, East New Jersey lying for that space on the west side of Hudson's River. From the 
41st degree of Latitude on Hudson's River, it runs northwesterly to 41 degrees & 40 min of Latitude 
on the most northerly Branch of Delaware River, which falls near Cashiektunk, an Indian Settle- 
ment on a Branch of that River call'd the Fish kill. Thence it runs up that Branch of Delaware 
River till the 42'' degree of Latitude be compleated or to the Beginning of the 43'^ degree, Pensylva- 
nia stretching along the west side of Delaware River, so far northward as to this parallel of Latitude. 
From the Beginning of tlie 43^ degree New York runs westerly, on a Parallel of Latitude, along 
the Bounds of Pensylvania to Lake Erie, or so far west as to comprehend the Country of tlie Five 
Nations, (the French having by the Treaty of Utricht quitted all claim to these Five Nations) Then 


it runs along lake Erie, & tiae streights between Lake Erie k Cadarackuy lake, k along Cadarackuy 
lake to the east end thereof — From thence it continues to extend easterly along the Bounds of 
Canada, to the Colony of Massathuset's Bay. Then Southerly along the Boundaries of the Massa- 
thusef s Bay, & of the Colony of Connecticut, to the sound between Long Island k the main, "& 
then easterly along that Sound to the Atlantick Ocean. 

The Boundaries between New York Province k t1ie Provinces of New Jersey & Pen svlyania, are so 
well Described, in the Grants to the Proprietors of New Jersey & Pensylvania, that by 

"Where these Boun- 
daries are cerlain. determining the proper Parallels of Latitude on Hudson & Delaware Rivers, the 

Boundaries between them may at any time be fixed witli sufficient certainty. But as tliis has not 

hitherto been actually done. Disputes now in several parts subsist, between the Proprietors of the 

lands near the line, which is supposed to run between New York & New Jersey, from Hudson's River 

to Delaware River. And it is probable the like Disputes will happen, between tlie Inhabitants of 

the Provinces of New York & Pensylvania, when the lands near the line Dividing them shall be 


The Boundaries BetAveen New York & Connecticut are entirely settled, by agreement between the 
two Colonies, k by Lines run at about 21 miles from Hudson's River, k running nearly parallel to 
the general Course of that River. 

I know no Regulations for Determining the Boundaries between New York & Canada. Its 
probable each will endeavour to extend themselves as far as they can. The French 

"WTiere these Boun- 
daries are unccrtaiii.have lately made a wide step, by building a Fort at Crown Point, which alarm the 

English Colonies by its being a Pass of great Importance. By tliis Pass only there is access to 

Canada from the English Colonies, & from this the French will be able, in War time, to send out 

parties, to harass & plunder the Colonies of Massathuset's Bay, New York k Connecticut. The 

building of this Fort deserves the more notice by reason, it is not at half the Distance from the 

settlements in New York, that it is from the nearest settlements in Canada. If we are to Judge 

of the Pretentions of the French, by the maps lately published in France by Publick Authority, 

they not only claim this part of the Country and the Countries of the Five Nations depending on 

New York ; but likewise a considerable part of what is actually settled by the Inhabitants of New 

York. The English maps are such servile copies of the French that they mark out the Boundaries 

between the EngUsh & French, with the same Disadvantage to the Enghsh, that the French do. 

The Boundaries between Massathuset's Bay k New York is every where disputed. By the 
Massathuset's Bay Charter, that Colony is to extend as far west as Connecticut. The Question is 
whether it shall extend, as far west as to Connecticut, or extend as far west as Connecticut does. 
The Difference is so considerable, that it takes in near as great a quantity of Land, as the whole 
of what is not disputed. It is probable, they may at last make their claim good, by the numerous 
settlements they have allready & are daily making upon it. 

Your Honours knowledge of this Country, will easily discover any Errors I may have committed, 
& will supply the Defects. I have endeavour'd that what I have wrote may be of use to you, in 
some maters, wherein you are less conversant, & may assist your memory in others. In hopes that 
it may & in obedience to your Commands it is submitted by 

Sf Your most obedient k 

most humble servant 

Cadwallader Colden. 



3. The constitution of the Government is such as his Majesty by his commission to his Governor 
directs, whereby the Governour with the Council and Assembly are impowered to pass laws not 
repugnant to the laws of England. 

13. In the town of New York is an old fort of very little defence, cannon we have but the 
carriages are good for little, we have ball but no powder, nor will the board of ordinance send 
any on pretence that a larg quantity was sent in 1711 for the Canada expedition which is 27 year 
agoe, miicli of it has for many years been trodden under foot in the magazine, the barrells having 
been rotten. 

There is a battery which commands the mouth of the harbour whereon may be mounted 50 
cannon this is new having been built but three years but it wants finishing. 

At Albany there is a new stone fort built the same year with the Battery at New York. 

And at Schanectady a new fort built at the same time and both are sufficient for those places. 

In tlie INIohocks Country there is an old stockado'd fort of little use now the country there was 
about being pretty well settled and nigh Schanectady. 

I have been trying to prevail with the Seneca's to let us build a fort at Tierandequat in their 
country which will more effectually secure the fidelity of the six Nations and better preserve the 
fur Trade, and I hope at last to prevail. 

18. We have no revenue established at present. 

19. The ordinary and extraordinary expences of the Government are about £4000 a year. 

20. We have a Militia in every county for the regulating whereof there is annually past an act 
of Assembly. 

The people are generally expert in the use of fire arms. All the officers are commissioned by 
the Governour. 

The Mayors and Recorders of the cities of New York and Albany hold their places by com- 
missions under the seal of the province so do the Sherriffs Corroners and Clerks of the peace. 

The Chief Justice is usually appointed at home and by the King's warrant to the Governour 
he gives him a commission under the seal of the province the second and third Judges have no 
warrant the Governour appointing them himself, under the seal of the province the Attorney 
General the Surveyor General of the lauds and the Secretary or Agent for Indian affairs are 
appointed as the Chief Justice is by the King's warrant &c. 

The Secretary and receiver General have their Commission under the great seal of England. 




[Lon. Doc. XXVI.] 

The referred Queries from the Lords of Trade and Plantations, and the required answer from the 
Collector of the Customs here, as by the Govern"- and Council of this liis Majesty's Province, their 







►2 "S 


What is the Trade of 
this Province the 
number of Shiping, 
their Tonage, and 
the number of sea 
faring men with the 
respective increase 
or diminution with- 
in ten years past? 

What quantity and 
sorts of British ma- 
nufacture do the in 
habitants annually 
take from here? 

What Trade has this 
province under your 
Govn't with any Fo- 
reign Plantation or 
any part of Europe 
besides Great Britain 
how is that Trade 
carried on, what com 
modities do the peo 
pie under your Go 
vernment send to or 
receive from Foreign 
Plantations ? 

AVhat is the natural 
produce of the conn 
try staple commodi 
ties and manufac 
tures, and what va- 
lue thereof in ster 
ling money may you 
annually export. 

First, From Great Britain ; 
European and Indn goods 
with silk manufactures 

From Ireland; Linnen and 
Canvas as duely cerlifyd 

From British CoUonies, enu 
merated commodities, Rum, 
Limejuice, Snuff, Pimento, 
Sulpher Strawplatt, hides, 
D'r Skinns, Conchshells, 
negroes mahogany & Ebo 

From Europe and the Eng 
lish and foreign settlements 
in America and Africa 

From Africa, within the pro- 
per limits directed negroes 
now less than formerly 
brought hither. 

From Madeira and Canary 
Islands; AVines the growth 

From North'n and South'n 
parts of this continent Cy- 
der, oil, Bluber, hops, flax 
seed, flax, Bricks, Scalskinns 
and certain wro't Tin and 

Lastly from Plantations not 
under his Majesty's domi- 
nions, small quantities of 
Rum Mollases and Sugar, 
since the act impos'd new 
duties thereon, snuff, Spa- 
nish tobacco. Lignum vitse, 
Indico, logwood, and other 
dying-wood. Cocoa nuts, 
cotton, wool &c. 

First to London and outports, 
the latter seldom, the enu- 
merated goods and other 
merchandize legally im- 

I ported. 

To Ireland flax seed and 

To other parts of Europe, 
Grain, hides, Elke and I)'r 
Skinns, Oxhoms, sp. snuff 
Logwood, Indico, Cocoa- 
nutts &c. of foreign produce 
and Lumber. 

To Madeira and Azores, 
Grain, Beeswax and staves. 

To English districts N'th and 
S th of this Continent and 
West Indies, provisions 
Chocolate Lumber, Euro 
pcau goods with those spe 
cies enumerated and such 
others as brought here for 
export regularly. 

Lastly to the neutral ports, 
as St. Thomas, Curacoa and 
Sureidinim, provisions lum- 
ber and horses with pro- 




First, the country people here have 
for many years and yet their 
homespun, so term'd of wool and 
Flax, to supply somewhat them- 
selves with the necessary's of 
clothing Ac. 

From the year 1715 or thereabouts, 
have bin raised linseed and 
mill'd into Oil, hatts made of 
beaver furr, the exporting 
whereof prevented by the Act 
from Micklemass 1732, also lamp 
black work'd up. 

From the year 1730, Sugar baking 
and its refining have been for 
home consumption & transporta 
tion hence to other districts on 
the Continent and to the AVcst 
Indies by regular certificates and 
latterly the distilling of Rum and 
other spirits for those only are 
two houses erected. 

In this province are mines of iron 
and lead oars the manufacturing 
of which have bin of late pro- 
posed, and the raising of hemp 

Lastly of these several besides, are 
grain of all sorts and other pro 
visions, with Tobacco, a diminu 
tivc quantity naturally produced 
out of this soil yet being with 
such like brought hither from the 
Eastern and Western Parts of 
this Continent are saliable and 
vended abroad cannot be distin 
guished as to ascertain the anual 
exporting or their value neither 
practically could it be, if from 
the import thereof separated be 
cause their prices according to 
the markets currently varie. 

These on each Column are particularized as to quantity's as quality's in the quarterly list of Trading Vessels, the 
itransmitting whereof to their Ijordships is from the Naval officer here constituted by the Governor, and also such lists 
duly to their honors the Commissioners of the Customs from their officers hence, thereby may appear that within the 
queries mcnt'd to me, how seemingly little the increase or diminution differenceth respectively. 

What Methods are Such as are prescribed in the principal laws of Trade and aptly used here, whereby to effect the Intendeet pre 
there used to pre- venting any what contrary to those laws; and that upon any breach thereof ; carefuUj' inquired after by the Deputed 
vent illegal trade. Officers, process is issued against the same in the Vice Admiralty or it happening sometimes, in the Courts of Records 
and are the same of this Province for recovery of the subject penalty on the Fraud or abuse Committed, 
effectual ? ' 

Exam'd <t compared at the Custom House New York with the Books of Reports and Entries therein. 
(Endorsed) Pr. ARCH'D KENNEDY Collector. 
Answer of the Collector of New York to the Queries of the Board. 18 Jan. 1737. 

18. Jan'y 1737 | 8. 




Whites males above ten years 3209 

Dtto Fameles above ten 2995 

Dtto males under ten 14G3 

Dtto Fameles under ten 1 384 

Totall of White 9051 

Black's males above ten 714 

Dtto Fameles above ten 496 

Dtto males under ten 223 

Dtto Fameles under ten 197 

Totall of Blacks 1630 

The whole No of White & Black above & under ten 10681 

Pr. JOHN LINDESAY, Sheriff: 




Whites Males above Ten years old 940 

Whites females above 10 years old 860 

Whites males under 10 710 

White females under 10 646 

Total of Whites 3156 

Blacks Males above 10 161 

Blacks ffemales above 10 42 

Blacks males under 10 37 

Blacks ffemales under 10 22 

Total of Blacks 262 

The number of the Whole in the county Except the High Lands .... 3086 






Whites Males above ten years old 1175 

Whites Females above 10 years 1681 

Whites Males under 10 541 

Whites Females under 10 601 

Totall of whites 4398 

Blacks Males above 10 378 

Blacks ffemales above 10 260 

Blacks males under 10 124 

Blacks ffemales under 10 110 

Total of Blacks 872 

The number of the whole in the County Except y« high Lands 5270 





s s 





Ye fovre presincts of Orange County. 




3 O 



a ™ 


S ° 

1 5 
a oj 
=2 >-■ 

•3 2 

a g 


3 -^ 











000231 On0113'00O108 





0031 i>loon249 000183 000191 





00205 nnoiVfi'oooiAj 














The to- 


The to- 

tall of 


tall of 








The above is a true aoonnt of the ntunbers of the Whites and Blacks in the County of Orange Thia 20 day of June 1738. 

W. DUNING, Sheriff. 




City and county of New -York William Cosby Sheriife. 


a ^ 




East Ward 

■\Vest Ward 

South Ward 

3S^orth Ward 

Dock Ward 

Mountgomry Ward 

Bowry Ward 

Harlem Ward . . . . 













8945 total of whites 








totall of both 9662 

Ketum'd p WILL: COSBY vid: com: 
Note. — There are several errors in the footings of the above which are left uncorrected. — Ed. 




The names of the towns. 


1 2 






.-* a 
« 5 
d P 


flatlands . . . . 

f'avezand . • 
ruokland. . 
flatbush. ... 
Bushwick. .. 


Totall of Whites. 


654 631 



210 169 


Total of Blacks. 


84J 101 



K STRYCKER, JltNR. Sheriff. 





Whites males above ten years old 2407 

Whites females above ten years old 2290 

White males under ten 1395 

Whites females under ten 1656 

Totall of whites 7388 

blacks males above ten 460 

blacks ferajiles above ten 370 

blacks males under ten 254 

blacks females under ten 227 

Total of Blacks 1311 

the number of the whole in the County 8699 

ye 261'' of June 1738 A^™ LAWRENCE, Sheriff. 




1 . Whites males above ten years old 2297 

2. Whites females above ten years old 2353 

3. Wliites males under ten 1175 

4. Wliites females under ten 1008 

The totall of whites 6833 

5. blacks males above ten 393 

6. blacks males under ten 307 

7. blacks males above ten 203 

8. black females under ten 187 

The Totall of blacks 1 090 

^ The number of the whole in the county of Suffolk 7923 

V«L. IV. 16 





White Males above 10 years old 4S8 

"White Females above 10 years old 497 

White males under 10 289 

White Females under 10 266 

Total of White 1540 

Black Males above 10 132 

Black Females above 10 132 

Black Males under 10 52 

Black Females under 10 53 

Total of Black 349 

Tlie Number of the whole in the County &c 1889 



•»• For the Table showing the total population of the Province in 1738, see Doc. Hist, of N. Y., Vol. I, Art. XXIII. 



The names off the masters off the house or mistresses «£c. 

4 S 


2 2 


E ^ 


Jus polhmvs 2 

Lamert bennet 2 

William Boerrom 3 

Carl boerrom 2 

Isaac hegeman 2 

John blom 1 

William bennett 1 

Garritt Snedeker 1 

Hendrick wickhot 1 

CM-nelius wickhof 2 

NicklMS wick!iof 1 

Nicklas ;iiidrissen, 2 

J«hannis C«rnel .........k..... 2 

. . 



.. 1 

. . 

. . 

• • 






• • 

.. 2 

• • 


• • 

• • 

* • 





The n&mes ofif the masters off the house or mbtresses &c-» 

c3 >> 


,4; f— ( 

<1> O 5j 

tn ^ 'O 

•3 "^ -3" 

a I 

a « 

3 5 

Isack Snedeker 3 1 

Juiey perbasko 1 1 2 

Elbert liegeman, 3 . . 5 

John Van wicklen, 1 . . 2 

Ganit Cosine 1 . . 1 

Joseph hegeman 3 1 3 

John lot 1 1 1 

John Striker 3 1 3 

Larance detmas 1 1 2 

Denijs Hegenaan 1 . . 2 

John detmas 4 2 2 

John uanderner 3 . . 3 

Abraham lott 3 1 3 

inder freeman 1 .. 1 

Jus Sadam 2 1 4 

Jacob Sadam 2 . . 2 

Daniel Ramson 2 . . 1 

Pieter Stryker jun«" 1 1 1 

Corneallas bennum 1 

William hogaland 3 . . 3 

Cattren uanderveer . . . 3 

Cornealas Sadam 2 .. 1 

John Sadam 3 2 3 

Jolin Vanderwort 1 2 1 

Adrayonn Hageman 3 2 1 

Martin Simson 1 . . 1 

Johanas Johnson 3 . . 3 

Isaac Okey 1 1 1 

Born Vande Vandan, 2 . . 2 

Do™ Antonadus 1 . . 1 

Ad" Hegeman 2 . . 2 

John Waldron 4 . . 3 

Co" Peter Stryker 1 1 

Tryntje [sjolleman 2 

John Renham 2 

Joseph Renham 1 1 

John Van Bueren 1 1 1 

Giljan Cornel .......;........ 4 [5] 2 

Cartryna filkin x...« 1 .» 2 


• • 

. . 





• • 

• ■ 


• • 


• • 














. . 




• • 


• • 


• • 

. . 

• • 



. , 


♦ • 

• • 

• • 

• • 

• • 


• • 

• • 


• • 



• • 

• • 




. . 





. . 

• • 

, , 

^ ^ 

1 1 

• • 




Tiie Barnes oS the masters o£f the house or mfetresses &e. 

Marten Adriaansz i 

Rem Martense i 

Adriaau Marteuse 1 

Pliillippus Nagel , 2 

Ari Van der Bilt 2 

Abraliam liegeman 2 

Cornelius Cornel 3 

Isaac Leffertze 1 

Jan Van der Bilt 5 

Rem liegeman 4 

Peter Leffertz 4 

Dominicus V D Veer 2 

Gerrit Van Duyn 1 

John Verkerck 1 

Rolef Verkerck 1 

Peter Lyster 1 

William houerd 2 

Josef lionerd 1 

Jus Bloiim 3 

Cattrin Lot 

Sarali Lot 2 

Thomas betts 1 

Jacob Ramsen 2 

Robert betts 1 

141 59 144 66 39 19 44 27 



mt t,- "rtt^i Sj5 wis a .Sio, el 

c^d «j°^ e'^'^ qSc8 cj ed «> 

The names off the masters off the house or mistresses Ac. TeS-rSsScg'SSi^ E2 ^ 

Johannes Lett .. 03 03 02 01 02 00 01 02 

Marten Schenck 02 00 02 01 01 00 01 00 

hendrick wickof 02 00 01 00 02 00 01 00 

Jacobus Amerman 03 00 02 00 00 00 00 00 



The names off the masters ofif the house or mistressea &c. 'ata^^Eo'^iogpi 1_- ^ 
^ S ^ ^ S g 5 § 

yan Amerman 04 00 02 00 01 0(' 00 00 

pieter nevyus 02 00 01 00 00 00 00 00 

pieter Wickof ju"- 01 01 01 00 01 00 00 00 

ijan Stevensen 04 00 03 00 01 00 01 00 

wijllera kovwenoven 04 01 04 03 02 00 01 00 

Steven Sclienk 02 00 03 03 01 00 00 00 

gerret hansea 01 00 01 00 01 00 00 00 

pijeter monfoor 02 02 02 01 00 00 00 00 

wijllem vau gelden 05 00 03 00 00 00 00 00 

Cornelvs van voorhees 03 00 02 01 02 00 01 00 

marten Sclienck 02 00 02 00 02 00 00 00 

koert vau voorhees 01 02 01 01 00 00 00 00 

Lvijcas Stevensen 01 00 01 00 02 00 01 00 

cornlvs van arsdalen 04 00 04 00 00 00 00 00 

ijan van voorhees 05 02 02 03 00 00 01 00 

auken van voorhees 04 00 02 00 00 00 00 01 

tevnys rijennesen 02 00 01 00 00 00 00 00 

corneJys nefevs 02 02 01 02 00 00 00 00 

ijzaack van voorhees 02 01 01 02 00 00 00 00 

ijan elbersen 02 01 04 02 01 00 01 00 

pijeter wycotf. 04 00 02 00 01 00 00 00 

pijter wijcoff 01 01 01 01 00 00 00 00 

abraham westervelt 01 00 02 00 00 00 00 00 

ijohannes van sijggelen 01 00 02 00 00 00 00 00 

ijan ouken 03 01 03 00 00 00 00 00 

ijan terhvnen 01 00 02 00 00 01 01 02 

wijlhelmus Stothof 01 01 03 00 02 01 01 01 

cornelvs Stevensen 02 01 01 00 00 00 00 00 

harmanus hoogelant 04 02 04 01 01 00 00 00 

roelof van voorhees 02 00 02 01 00 00 00 00 

81 21 70 23 24 1 11 6 





The names off the masteis off the houses or mistresses &o. 

V r-1 

» 2 

± =3 

^2 -S J 

o ^ 

^ s 

a M 

S: Genitsen 

Bernardus Reyder . . . 
Roeloff Ter liunen . . 

RicliJ Stillwell 

Jacobus Strycker .... 

Nicklas willams 

Samuel] Hubbard . . . 
Garret larabertson . . . 

Andro Emmans 

weedaw Eraans 

farnandus: U: sicklen 
Widdeu Courten .... 

Jolm Boys ; , = . 

Willem bouil 

Nicklas Stilwill 

' Cournelas Strikar .... 

John Griggs 

Elizabeth Griggs 

Elias Hubbard 

Garret Borland 

farnandus. V Sicklen 

Jacobus Emans 

barnt Jonson 

Daniel Lake 

Jolm Rider 

Kourten V. fores .... 
Peter Willamsen .... 
Pheby Van Clift .... 
John Van Clift 












1 1 

61 31 60 36 11 





The names of the master of the house or mistreases &o. 

^ 5 




" i 

to '^ 




































































































1 . 








































Samuel Groenen Dyck 
Cornells Van Urunt . . . 

grijcte bant 

rubecha eemans 

Sarels benij 

yoost van brant 

elisabet gewout 

myndert ijansen . . . . , 
henderick ijaensen . . . 
rutgert van brunt . . . , 
edword drync water . . 

aert van Pelt 

albert koerte 

ijan van pelt 

pijeter kartelijou . . . . . 

ailte karteloijou 

Jaques Denyes 

William Barkelo 

William Ver Done . . . , 

Thomas Stillwell 

John piterse 

Thomas Van Dick . . . . 

Cherck Van Dick 

gerret Van Dyck 

hendrik Suydam 

Rutgert Van Brunt . . . 

Joseph Ditmars 

machijel vanderver . . . 

gerrijt van duijn 

marija van nuijs 

ouken van nuijs 

ijacobus van nuijs . . . . 
Wyllem van nuijs . . . . 
ijan van dijck 

S4 84 S7 29 36 11 22 Id 





The names of ye masters of the house or mistresses &c. 


^ 5 

iS 2, 

go) s», 

-"" 2 

Jeronymus Rapalje 1 1 3 1 2 3 

George Rapalje 2 1 2 1 2 2 

Isaac Jolmson 3 2 3 1 

Jacob Ryerson 4 1 2 1 

Haus Bergen 2 2 3 

Jacob Bergen 2 2 1 1 1 

Jeremias Remsen 1 2 4 1 1 

Gizbart Bogaert 2 2 

Gizbart Bogaert Jun^ 2 2 1 2 

Cornelius Bogard 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 

Nicasius Couwenhoven 3 1 1 1 1 

Marten Vauderlioeven 4 1 2 1 

Gerrit Adriaanse 2 1 2 1 1 

Nicholas Vechten 1 2 2 1 

Fredrick Blaeuw 2 1 1 

John Blaeuw 1 1 1 

Juryen Blaeuw 1 1 1 

Peter Staets 4 3 2 1 

Adrian Bennet 30100001 

Cornelius Van Duyn, 2 2 1 1 1 

Johannes Hoist 2 2 3 

John Bennet 3 3 1 1 

Jacob Bennet 2 2 

Thomas Van Dyck, 2 1 1 1 

Samuel Stellingwerg 1 2 1 2 

Simon D' Hart 2 3 2 6 2 3 2 

Wouter Van Pelt, 4 3 3 1 

Joseph Hegeman 1 3 3 2 1 1 

Hendrick Van Dyck, 1 1 2 1 3 1 

Elizabeth Garner 1 1 1 

George Remsen 11101010 

Rem Remsen 2 2 1 1 1 

Isaac Sebering 4 2 2 112 12 

Aeltje Sebering 2 2 2 1 1 

Ittaell HotsfieJd 3 1 1 2 3 



The names of ye masters of the house or mistresses &o. 

^ 3 

Jolin Thonipson 1 

Mally Burwouter 

Theopliilus Elswortli 4 

Petrus Ewetse 1 

John Rhyn 2 

Gabi-iall Cox 3 

John Rapalje 2 

Thomas Browne 1 

Billy Nicbin 1 

Dauiell Bontecoue 1 

Aert Middagh 1 

Breghje Glieiff 

Hendrick Stryker 2 

Cornelius filkin 1 

Aeltje Provoost 1 

John Middagh 1 

Christopher Codwise 12 

Cornelias Ewetse 7 

John Ewetse 2 

James Harding 1 

Jacob Deklyn 1 

Rem Rerasen 7 

Everardus Brouwer 2 

Johannes Johnson 3 

Albertje Johnson 

George Bergen 1 

Jacob Hanse Bergen 1 

Cornelius Webbers 1 

Isaac D'Graw 2 

Joost D'Beavois 2 

Jacobus Beavois 3 

John Ellen 1 

Hans Bei-gen 4 

Jacobus Vandewater 3 

Benjamin V. D. Water 3 

Styntje Vander Voort 

Lambert Andriesen 3 

Jacobus liCffertze 2 

George Rapalje 2 

Vol. IV. 17 



3 . 



c3 . 


a <^ 

S 3 
■3 Si, 





































































































































The names of ye masters of the house or mistresses Ae 



^ 5 

S >^ 






























































































Barent Blom 

Rem V. D. Beeck 

John Borland 

Hendrick Suydam , 

Cornelius V. D. hoven . . . 
Cornelius V. D. hoeven Ju^ 

Peter V. D. Voort 

Paulus V. D. Voort , 

John V. D. Voort 

John Van Noortstrant .... 

Dirck Rapalji 

Sara Rapalje , 

Jacob Cossauw 

Isaac Remsen , 

Jacob Durrie 

Mathys Van Dyck 

Abraham Brewer 

Juryen Brewer 

199 81 175 92 69 23 43 23 



The names of the masters of the honse or mistress Ac 




•3 ^ 




to "^ 






































































Johannes Schenck . 
David Sprongli . . . 
Marijtie Schenck . . 
Jannitie Van Ende 
Symon Dorijie .. . . 
Charel Dorijie . . . . 
folkert fulkei-tse. . . 
Necklaas folkertse 



The names of the masters of the house or mktress Ac. 

n <3 

"3 '^ 














«Q i-H 









jO CS 



a cj 


Jacobus Cozyn 2 00 

Pieter Fonck 4 1 

Geertruy Wortraan 2 02 

Abraham Coeck 1 1 

Joost Dorijie 1 00 

Jacob Pieterse 2 00 

Arent Stockholum 2 00 

Daniel bodet 2 2 

Jurijen Nagel 2 00 

Heudrick Vaade W^ 1 3 

ferametie anders 2 00 

abrahara Liquir 4 00 

Tryntie Calijer 2 00 

Jacobus Calijer 1 00 

Pieter wit 3 1 

Johannis pieter 1 00 

David Cats 1 00 

Alexander berd 2 00 

Pieter praa 1 00 

Derek Wortman 2 00 

frans Tijtus 2 1 

Thomas fardon 5 00 

Jams Bobijn 1 00 

Andris Stockholum 2 1 

Johannis Calijer 3 00 

Jacobus Calijer 2 00 

Johannis boechout 3 00 

tuenes Rapellie 1 00 

Abrahara dorijie 4 2 

Leffeert Leffertse 1 00 

Jan mesrol 4 1 

Pieter Consellie 2 2 

Johannis aberse 3 00 

2 00 2 00 1 00 

2 1 00 1 00 00 

1 00 00 00 00 00 

1 2 00 00 00 00 

1 00 00 00 00 00 

2 2 00 00 00 00 
5 00 1 00 00 00 
2 1 1 00 00 00 
2 00 1 1 2 00 

1 00 00 00 00 00 

2 00 00 00 00 00 
4 2 00 00 00 00 






























































































































92 27 91 39 31 11 27 

Compt : 325 Ziele. 




James Beebe 
Willam King: Ju*' 
Joshua Curtis 
Oharles Glovei' 
Thomas terry 
John King: Sw 
Gideon Youngs 
Jonatlian Youngs 
Kicliard Shaw 
Kichard Brown 
Joseph Brown 
Samuel Crook 
Samuel Emmons 
David Youngs 
John Racket 
Henrj tuttle: Jun' 
Henry Conklia 
David Moore 
Walter Brown 
Samuel Conklin 
John Conklin 
Joseph Conklin 
Joseph Conklin Jun' 
John Conkhu Jun' 
peter pain 
John Budd 
John vail 
Alsup pain 
Samuel Landon 
Sylvester Lhummidue 
Isreal Moore 
Samuel Griffing 
Ebbenezer Johnson 
John Youngs 
Thomas Reeve 
James Landon 
John peck 
Jonathan Horton 
John Salmon 
Thomas Conklin 
Joseph Horton 

Isaac Hubbard 
Samuel Reeve 
Samuel terry 
Joshua Budd 
Benjamin Reeve 
peter Halliock 
John Dickinson 
Nathaniel Youngs 
Samuel Case 
John Goldsmith 
Daniel tuttle: Ju*" 
William Salmon 
Hazekiah Reeve 
Joshua Horton: Jun' 
Samuel Curwin 
Sylvenus Davis 
Benjamin Case 
Zebulon Hallick 
David Reeve • 
William Reeve 
Henry Wells 
Uriah terry 
Thomas Goldsmith 
Jonatlian Horton Jun' 
Solomon Wells 
William Benjamin 
Joshua Wells: Jun' 
Richard terry 
Thomas Booth 
Gideon Wickham 
Daniel Osmon 
Constant king 
Barnebus Winds 
John Reeve 
David Horton 
Jolm hudson 
Samuel Clark Juni^ 
Caleb Horton 
David Curwin 
Gersham terry 
Daniel Reevp 

James Reeve 
Timothy Hudson 
Thomas Reeve Jun' 
John Howel 
Isaac Howel 
Thomas Clark 
Aaron Howel 
John Cleaves 
David Cleaves 
Daniel Curwin 
Ezekiel pette 
James terry 
Josiah Youngs 
Daniel Youngs 
Samuel Wells 
Daniel Wells 
Nathaniel Wells 
Richard Howel 
Stephen Sweasay 
Joseph Mapes 
David Howel 
peter Hallick 
Richard Swasey 
Elezer luce: Ju^ 
Daniel terry 
Christipher Youngs 
Hezekiali howeU 
Jonah Bower 
Obadiah Rogers 
Ichabod Seayr 
Ichabud Cooper 
Thomas Stephens 
Henry person 
Josiah howel 
John foster 
James hearick 
Narthan hearick 
Benjamin hains 
Samuel Jenings 
Thomas lupton 
Job Seayr 



Hugh gilson 
Jonathan peirle 
Stephen herrick 
Gershem Culver 
Jeremiah Culver 
Samuel Ludle 
John Mitchel 
Joseph Rodgers 
Henry Holsey 
David phithin 
Samuel hains 
Daniel Moore 
Thomas Sandlbrd 
Ezekiel Sandford 
Abraham peirson 
Josiah peirson 
Stephen tapping 
Josiah tapping 
Job peirson 
Henry wick 
James Cooper 
John lupton 
Thomas Cooper Jur 
Elisha howel 
Elias pette 
Elnathan white 
John moorehouse 
John norris 
Daniel liedges 
Theopple howel 
Thomas holsey 
Constant heavins 
Joseph howel 
Abraham holsey 
Natlianiel holsey 
David bur nit 
John Seayr 
James "White 
Aaron burnit 
John tapping 
Benjamin ho well 
Henry howell 
Zechariali sandford 
Joshua hildreth 
Elias Cook 
Abraham howell 

John peirson 
Benjamin Woodruph 
Stephen bower 
Natlianiel Jesup 
Artter howell 
John Cook 
Jonathan Cook 
Isaac hildretli 
Timothy multbrd 
Jeremiah mulfbrd 
William liedges 
Nartlian dayton 
William osraau 
Elisha Conklin 
Mathew mulford 
Edward Jones 
Daniel miller 
Eleazer miller 
Samuel persons 
Jolin merry 
Thomas talmage 
John talmage 
Lion gardner 
Samuel hedges 
Ephraim burnet 
Samuel hudson 
John mulford 
Josiah miller 
Henry hudson 
Thomas osmon 
John hunting 
Robert moore 
Jonathan wick 
Ezekiel hubard 
James chittester 
David Kitcham 
Samuel Smith 
Daniel Keeley 
James Keeley 
Obediah Rogers 
David Rogers 
Joseph lewes 
William Jerves 
Nathaniel ICacham 
philip plat 
John Rogers 

Job smith 
Arron Smith 
David Carey 
William row 
Jonathan Jones 
Jacob Munsel 
Piatt Smith 
Solomon Smith 
Zepliauiali plat 
John liockins 
Moses Acerly 
Josiah wicks 
John Scidmore 
Robert Arter 
Joshua Arter 
Timothy tredwell 
Obadiah Smith 
Benjamin Gold 
Daniel Smith 
Richard Smith 
Job Smith 
Ebenezer Smith 
Shubel Marcliant 
Timothy Smith 
Joseph Smith 
Edraond Smith 
Richard Smith 
Isaack Mills 
Timothy Mills 
Richard Blidenberg 
James Dickonson 
John Dickonson 
Jonathan Dayton 
John Arter 
William Green 
William phillips 
Amos Willis 
Richard willis 
Richard floyd 
Nichols floyd 
Nathaniel Woodhull 
William Smith 
James tutthil 
Danniel Brewster 
James Smith 
Israel Smith 



James Sell 
Joseph roberson 
John robberson 
Hezekiah Dayton 
Nathaniel Dayton 
Noah hallock 
Thomas Green 
William Miller 
Richard Miller 
Andrew Miller 
Robert robinson 
Thomas robinson 
Moses burnett 
Joseph phillips 
Joseph dauis 
Samuel dauis 
Daniel dauis 
Beniamin dauis 
John tucker 
George Norton 
John Mosier 
Henry Dayton 

Hugh Mosier 
Thomas Strong 
George tucker 
John row 
Nathaniel row 
Henry robbing 
Nathaniel brewster 
John wood 
Samuel D'henuar 
William Jean 
Stephen Jean 
Matthews Jean 
Josep brewster 
Nathaniel Liscom 
Nathaniel Sattirly 
George Owen 
Samuel Smith 
Arter Smith 
John hellock 
Beniamin hallock 
John tucker 
Samuel thompson 

Jonathan Owen 

Nathaniel bigss 

William helms 

Eleazer hockins 

Amos Dickenson 

Henry Smith Esq' 

Thomas Chatfield 

Joshua Youngs 

Joseph wickham 

Nathaniel warner 

Mathias burnett 

Daniel Sayr 

William Jenings 

Nathanil Smith 

George phillips 

Richard WoodhuU 

Obadiah Smith 

Charles Saxton 

John wicks 

Dauid Corey Sherriff 

The whole amounts to — 328. 

Henry Beekman 
Lowrence Knickerbacker 
Nicholas Hoffman 
Martinus Hoffman 
Barent Van Benthuysen 
Philip Louden 
Hendrick Kip 
Nicliolas Row 
Jury Soefelt 
Zacharias Haber 
Fredricke Sipperly 
Johannis Spaller 
Jury Feder 
William Cole 
Hans Heyner 
Johannis P : Snyder 



Johannis Backus 
Hans felte WoUever 
Hans Lambert 
Joseph Rykert 
Hendrick Sheffer 
Peter Oostrander 
Benjamin Van Steenbergh 
Hans felte Sheffer 
Willem Freer 
Tennis Freer 
Jury Ackert 
Evert Knickerbacker 
Nicholas Bonesteel 
Jacobus Van Etten Jun"". 
Basteaan Trever 
Coenradt Berringer 

Wendell polver 
Peter Van Etten 
William Simon 
William Scott 
Michaell Sipperly 
David Richart 
Jacob Mowl 
Mathys Earnest 
Adam Oostrander 
Simon Kool 
Godfreed Hendrick 
Wendel Yager 
Jacob Drom 
Martinus Shoe 
Jury Adam Soefelt 
Philip foelandt 



Andrles Widerwox 

Fran Neker 

Christophell Snyder 

Marten Tiel 

Arnout Viele 

Lowrence Tiel 

Jacob Cool 

Philip More 

Jan Van Bentliuysen 

Zacharias Smith 

Josias Ross 

Gysbert Westfall 

Andries Hermans 

Michael Polver 

Johannis Weaver 

"William Van Vreedinburgh 

Johannis Kip 

Arie Hendrickse 

Willera Van Vreedinburgh Jun^ 

Isaac Kip 

Roeloff Kip 

Jacob Kip 

Abraham Kip 

Mathys Sleght 

Evert Van Wagenen 

Goese Van Wagenen 

Hendrickus Heermans 

Lowrence Oosterhout 

Peter Tippell 

Albartus Shriver 

Stephen Frelick 

Arent Oostrandei 

Philip Feller 

Henry Filkin 

Francis Hagaman 

John Gay 

Isaac Filkin 

Jan Ostrom 

Roeloff Ostrom 

Simon Flegelaer 

Augustine Creed 

Jacob Hoff 

Lowrence Hoff 

Isaac Germain 

Isaac Germain Jun' 

Josias Crego 

Isaac Tietsort 
Richard Sackett 
Gerret E : Van Wagenen 
Isaac Runnells 
Isaac Runnells Jun*" 
Frans Van Dyck 
Nehemiah Runnells 
Nicholas Van Wagenen 
Petei Palmer 
Nathaniell Marshall 
Joseph Palmer 
Jacob Van Campen 
John Runnells 
Samuell Palmer 
Joshua Palmer 
Manuell Gonselesduck 
William Palmer 
Peter Lassing 
Isaac Lassing 
William Lassing 
Christophell Van Bomell 
Jacob Van Wagenen 
Lewis Du Bois 
Mathys Du Bois 
Marcus Van Bomell 
Rudolplms Swartwoudt 
Mathewis Van Keuren 
Hendrick Willsie 
Elias Van Buntschoten 
Jacobus Van Bomell 
Thomas Lewis 
Henry Vandenburgh 
John Concklin 
Jacob Low 
Johannis Van Kleek 
Simon Freer 
Mosis De Graaff 
Barnardus Swartwoudt 
Johannis Tappon 
Myndert Vandenbogart 
Hendrick Ostrom 
Barent Van Kleek 
Frans La Roy 
Lowrence Van Kleek 
Jacobus van Den Bogart 
Frans Filkin 

Bowdewine La Count 

Lowrence Gerbrantz 

Robert Kidney 

Peter Viele 

John Emons 

Magiel Pells 

Abraliam Freer Jun'' 

Peter Parmatier 

Gybsert Peelen 

Arie Van Vliet 

Joliannis Van Bentliuysen 

William Syfer 

William Smith Secundus 

Alexander Griggs 

Jacobus De Yeo 

James Auchmoty 

Samuell Matliews 

George Ellsworth 

Johannis DoUson 

Jacob De Witt 

David De Dutcher 

John Cook 

John Carman 

Nicholas Koens 

Nicliolas Eraigh 

Hendrick Owl 

Mosis Nauthrup 

Stephen Crego 

Peter Simpson 

John Gamble 

William Humphreys 

Francis Nellson 

Thomas Davinport 

Isaac Van Amburgh 

Peter Du Bois Jun"" 

Cornelis Bogardus 

Jacobus De Peyster 

John Calkin Jun'' 

Johannis Van Voorhees 

Coert Van Voorhees 

Johannis Van Voorhees Jun' 

Hendrick Philip 

Johannis Middellaer 

John Lossee 

Johannis Willsie 

Johannis Ter Boss 



Isaac Dollson 
Teunis Van Vliet 
Hendrick Van Tessell 
Hendrick Ter Boss 
Robert Britt 
Jacobus Ter Boss 
Cornelis Van Wyck 
Francis Britt 
Hendrick Rosekrans 
Thomas Langdon 
John Baily 
Christiaan Du Bois 
Jacobus Swartwout 
Theodorus Van Wyck 
Benjamin Hasbrook 
Wiilem Schutt 
George Brinckerliolf 

Dutchess ss August 28: 1 
The Aforegoing is a True 

Daniell Boss 
Ephraime Bloome 
John Brinckerhoff 
Cornelis Lessee 
Lowrence Lossee 
Jonathan Du Bois 
Jacob Du Bois 
John Monti'oss 
Peter Mufford 
John flewellen 
William Drake 
Joshua Griffen 
William Ver Planck 
Samuell Hallstead 
Daniell Yeomans 
John Rosekrans 

Cornelis Willsie 
Maes Oostrander 
Abraham Swartwoudt 
Isaac Brinckerlioff 
Baltus J Van kleek 
Baltus B Van kleek 
Simon La Roy 
Ahaswarus Van kleek 
Tenuis Van Buntskoten 
Gideon Ver Veelen 
Peter Outvvater 
Jacob Brinckerhoff 
Hendrick Mufford 
Marten Shenk 
Mathew Du Eois Jun'' 
Abraham De Graelf 


List of the fifreeholders of said County To the best of my knowledge. 

JA. WILSON Sheriff 



Vincent Mathews Coll 
Sollo Carpenter Let* Coll: 
George Ramseu Major 
Michael Jacson Adej' 
James Tompson Quarts 

first Company 

Ram Remsen Cap' 

Cornelius Smith Liv' 

Eb Smith Ensine 

Three Sarjents 

Three Corporalls 

One Drumer 

Sixty Three private men — in 

all 73 
2 Company 
Sam'i Odel Cap* 
Henry Cuyper Liv^ 
Benjam: Allison Ensine 

Three Sarjents 
Three Corporalls 
one Drumer 

fifty Eight private men — in all 

3 Company 
John Holly Capt 
Mich Duning Liv* 

Solomon Carpenter Jun*" Ensine 
Three Sargents 
Three Corporalls 
one Drumer 

one Hundred & Eleven private 
men — in all 121 

4 Company 

Jacobus Swartwoot Cap* 
Johan^ West Brook Liu' 
Johan^ West Brook Jun'' Ensine 
Three Sarjents 

Three Corporalls 

one Drumer 

fifty five private men — in all 65 

5 Company 

Nathaniel Dubois Cap* 
David Sovtherlon Lent 
Isaac Hennion Ensine 
Three Shargents 
Tliree Corporalls 

one Drumer 

Sixty three private men — in all 

6 Company 

Abra Hearing Ju' Cap* 
Garret Blawvelt Liv' 
John Hearing Ensine 
Three Sargents 
Three Corporalls 
one Drumer 



Sixty two private men — In all 72 one Druraer 

7 Company fifty private men — In all 60 

Jacob Vander Bilt Cap* Troop of Hors 

Andi-ew Untleixlonk Liv* Henry Youngs Cap* 

Aron Siriitli Ensine W'" Mapes Liv* 

Three Sargents Michael Jacson Corn' 

Tliree Corporalls Two Sliargents 

Tlie above is a Trew Account of the numbers of y^ OflBicers & Soldiers boath of Hors & foot under 
my Command in tlie County of Oi-ange according the Respective Eoles I have Received from each 
Respective Cap* 

This 20 Day of June 1738 VINT MATHEWS 

Two Corporalls 

One Trumpeter 

fifty two private men — In all 60 

The totall 595 

officers & Soldiers 

Sub officers 56 ffoot 


Cap Jaco Hicks 

Lef. Sam'" Seman 
In*' Josh's Barns 
Sa : John Carle 
Sa : John Sovthword 
Sa : Solo""" Seman 
Sa : Willi a Pi^e 
Tho Cai-man 
Tho Spragg 
Cahp Carman 
Nathan Vollintine 
Ben' a vallintine 
Tlio Lee 
Jos« Lee 

Ric''" Townsend 
Sim^" Searing 
George Gildersleeve 
John Mott 
Sam Williams 
Elias Dorlon 
Rob a Wllhams 
John Bedle 
Sam Bedle 
Jere'n Bedle 
John Jonson 
Will' Langdou 
Josep Langdon 
Sam^ Langdon 
Vol. IT. 


Sam^ Carman 

Der'c Brevar 

Tho Manering 

Barns Cornelos 

Da"' Pine 

Edwa"" Spragg 

Jon^t Smith 

Sam^s Rainer 

Ben' a Wood 

Ben' a Wood 

Sam^e Bertsel 

Will : Totton 

Ben' a Britsel 

Jeams Wood 

Abrah Sovthward 

Char's Abrahams 

John Abrahams 

Jespe Totton 

Robart Lee 

Tlao Gildersleeve Drummer 

John Smith 

Mordeca Lester 

Rich Bedle 

Sam^e Seman J 

Daniel Smith 

Tho Seaman 

Josep Carman 

Hen Seman 


Jos*p Seman 
Garsh Smith 
Josep Pettet 
George Boldin 
Danii Bedle 
Jeains Smith 
Isaac Jarmau 
Jeams Bedle 
Josepli Wood 
John Carle : J 
Ben' a Pine 
Ric''a Gildersleeve 
Ben' a Bedle 
Joseph" Bedle 
Adam INIott 
Sam^e Carman 
Richa Maniring 
John Seman 
Jacob Seman 
Jonas fflower 
Richa Totton 
Will Verity 
John Sovthword. J, 
Daniel Hevlet 
Math a Totten 
Sam"« Totten 
Robart Marvin 
John Smith J. 



John Rainer Ben'^ Smith Jeams Mott 

Jeams Pine Jeams Seman Sam^e Seman 

This is a tru Copy taken out of ye Original Roll by me 




John Brown Cap' Lietenant 

Peter Low first ditto 

W"! Harmersly second ditto 

Henry Rew third ditto 

Willillam Carr 

William Hillton 

Vicktor Beekers 

Zebadiah Hunt 

Henry Ricke 

John Tebout 

William Floyde 

John Turner 

Frances Slluester 

Andrew Law Jun*" 

Beniaman Thomas 

John Eraser 

John Golett 

Isreal Chadwick 

John Morsclialick 

Tharnett Basley 

Alexander Aliar 

Jacob Golett 

Thomas Hill 

William Smith 

John Pintard 

James Spencer 

Andrew Bristed 

Phillip Jacob Bomper 

Jeremiah Lattouch 

Thomas Niblett 
Hasewell van Cure 
Abraham Pells 
John Walker 
Moses Gamboa 
Allbartus Tebout 
John Byuank 
Dane! Bonett 
WilUam Carr 
John Lewis 
Dauid Griffis 
Robert Prouoost 
Peter Pantynier 
Ahasuars EUsnortb 
Joseph Lidle 
John Turman 
Richard Baker 
James Sauers 
Samuel Lawrance 
Isaak Johnson 
Thomas Hunt 
Nicholas Carmer 
Jacob Sarly 
Mathew Woollfe 
Robert Bennett 
Edmond Peers 
Robert Wood 
John Hunt 

Henry Williams 
Peter Demett 
John Lush 
Andrew Mansfild 
Alexander Phinix 
Samuel Bourdett 
James Tucker 
Linthorn Ratsey 
Jacob Phinix 
Daniel Bloom 
Robert Ratsey 
Jaob Kip 
Henry Tucknep 
James Hill 
John Bell 
Phillip Brown 
Thomas Tateke 
Richard Barker 
James Skellton 
Richard Jeffers 
William Deen 
William Boyde 
Dauid Goodwine 
Samuel Payton 
Jespar Bush 
Vincent Bodine 
James Fauear 
William Bryant 

MZJr ■-; "O ,r^ ^ ■ - -r, r^r.; 




first Lieutenant & Second Ditto 
Ricli'' Van Dam & Jacob Miller 
both Deed. 
Meyer Insiga non resident 

Gerard* Comford 
Wm Gilbert 
Ger' Harsen 
Dan" Gotier 


Jacobus Quick 
Thos Howard 
Abraham Ten Eyck 
Aron Smith 
John King 
Lewis Nordyn 
Daniel Maker 

James Young 
John Quick 
John Van Gylder 
John "Williams 
John Bassett 
Jacob Haraw 
Arie Bogaert 
Peter Marschalk 
John Delamontanje 
John Lashly Jun"^ 
David GaUation 
Lucas Kierstead 
John Nicholls 
Richard Bocas 
William Eagles 
John Beekman 
James Davie 

Jacob Wessells 
John Van Deursen 
Jacob De Lamontanje 
Jacob Slovcr 
David Van Gelder 
David Provoost 
Barent Coerten 
Jacob Trimper 
Collin Bursey 

. . . Swaen 
John Tiljew 
Walter Heyer 
Charles Missebagh 
Jeremia Sherdewyn 
Peter Rusten 
39 men 



Gul" Ver Plank, first Lut" 
Tobias S toutenburgh second Lut» 
David Abeel Insigne 

Andrew Hunter 
Henry Carmer 
John Dewint 
Joseph Hayse 
Gilbert Rotery 
Seth Smith 
Samuel Burling 
John Man 

William Freedenburgh 
William Seatly 
John Freedenburgh 
Hannes Snoek 
Lucas Van Veghte 
John Burges 

John Roberson 
George EUman 
John Tenner 
William Snyder 
Daniel Dyke 
William Dyke 
Abraham Persell 
John Casanie 
Phillip Shaljoth 
Jacob Shareman 
John Grig 
Israel Shadick 
William Roose 
Daniel Revoe 
Joseph Annow 
Standly Homes 
Cornelius Quackenbosh 
John Killmaster 

James Harding 
Dirk Amerman 
Cohan Jurry Mitter 
Johan france Waldron 
Thomas Wood 
William Brown 
William Strong 
William Hoppe 
William Home 
Abraham Van Aram 
Phillip Soper 
Thomas Montanjea 
Abraham Poalin 
Petrus Montanjea 
John Ackerson 
Edw^ard Anderson 
Richard Green 
Isaac Van Gelder 



Phillip Young 
Jones Wright 
William Van Syce 
Symon Van Syce 
William Moor 
Joseph Montanjea 
James Louwe 
Jolm Van Wyke 
Theopheles Elswort 
Mathew Redit 
Andrew Redit 
Fredrick Sebrant 
John Coxs 
Baran Juda 
Peter Smith 

Fredrick Becker 
James Simson 
John Meserol 
Marta Bont 
Hendrick Orders 
Tunes Tebout 
Jolm Coxs 
Isaac Demilt 
Martinus Bogaart 
John Balden 
Henry Jenkings 
Aron Magerson 
John Magerson 
Robert Carter 
Frank Moany 

George Arter 
Samuel Pell 
John Lawrence 
John Kingston 
Peter Degrot 
Patrick Smith 
Joseph Doty 
John Montanjea 
Esias Smith 
Peter Wyth 
Isaac Borea 
Thomas Wallace 
Peter Panebaker 
Simon Breasted — 94 

G"" Stuyvesant Asq' Cap* 

Lif Jacobus Kip 

Insine Phillip Minthorne 

John Horn 
Marten Van Evera 
Dirrick Benson 
William Waldron 

Christian Hartman 
William low 
Jacob Tinne 
Fransis Child 
John Minthorne 
Chernalus Child 
Fradrick Webbers 
John Harson 
Charls Dosson 
Jacob Horn 
Arnovt Horn 
John Kip 

Isack De Lamantanya 
Andris Anderson 
David De Voor Se"" 
David De Voor Ju' 
Abraham Anderson 


Johnthon Hardmon 

Arron Buse 

William Richson 

John Bas Sc 

John Bas Ju"" 

Abraham De Lamarten 

Mathan Megure 

Burger Van Evera 

John Sprong 

John De Voor 

Robert Greage 

John Waldron Van Hornshoke 

Benjamin Waldron 

John Waldron 

Arron Kortreght 

John Benson 

Abraham Van Bramen 

Isack Mier 

John Sickels 

Omfre Patoo 

Abraham Myer Ju' 

Arron Myer 

John Luis 

David De Voor 

Peter Waldron 

Adovlf Benson 

Adovlf Myer Ju"^ 
John Myer Ju"^ 
Sammual Waldron J' 
John Waldron Van hogt 
Jocom Cardener 
Jacob Cardener 
John Dyckman 
Lowrance Low 
Abraham Van Braman 
John Karsse 
Abraham Karsse 
Ressolvert Waldron 
John Van Oblenes 
Jacob Dyckmen 
Jacob Dyckmen Ju'' 
John Nagel Ju"" 
Harm an Van De water 
Addrian Hogland 
John Anderson 
Chernalus Dyckman 
Edde Van Evera 
Handrick Van Flackra 
Tunnes Van Flackra 
William Dickre 
John Dyckman 
Nicklus Dyckman 


John Fox 
John Wabbers 
Jacob Van Ourda 
Abraham Van Flackra 
Isack Wabbers 
Chornalus Wabbers 

John Hoppah 
Andris Hoppah 
John Cownoven 
Poulkert Somerindiek 
Isack De Lamter 
William Algalt 


Fradrick AUgalt 
John Duffeback 
John Mandevele 
Jelyes Mandevele 
Choranlus Wabbers — 86 men 



Paul Richards Esq"* 
Cornelius Sandford First Lef 
Abell Hardenbroock 2^ Lef 
Joseph Coutey Insigne 
Moses Gomer Clarke 

Henry Meyer 
John Vangelaer 
Abraham Vangelderl 
Nicholas anthony 
Cornelius Myer 
William Varnall 
James Weyley 
Joseph Waldron 
John Bealy 
Isaac Twentymen 
William Hyer 
Burtoll miller 
James Best 
Andrew Clappar 
John Roerbeck 
Cornelius seabrean 
Wandle Horn 
Richard Anlay 
Samuell Hazard 
William Procter 
John Wright 
Seidney Briess 


Thomas Brown 
John basett 
James Budselott 
Henriques WesseUs 
Petter vandick 
Richard vandick 
Daniell Yow 
John Rynders 
John Taylor 
Jacobus Montanie 
Potter Fressneau 
Nathaniell Hazard 

Alexander Weyley 
Cornelius Turk 

Jacob morris 

Hendrikes Bulen 

John Ellsworth 

Anthony Lamb 

William Guest 

Albartus Bush 

John Coae 

Henry bedlow 

James Brown 

John Horse 

Joseph Read 

Herry King 

Lawrence Fresst 

Isaac Revara 

Arculas Windfford 

John Fordham 

James Favier 

William Stone 

Mathias Gonear 

Gerrett & andrew Abrahams 

Ephlfriam Braiser 

Jacob Abraham 

Alexander Oglesby 

John Myer 

David Van home 

Isaac Blanck 

Petter Coake 

Daniell Dunscum 

Curoth Covernover 

Thomas Picketh 

Petter Prawboneth 

John Steward 

Denis Hicks 

Andrew barhead Senior 

Andrew barhead Junior 

John Masiay 

William McDovall 

EUias Mambrewtt 

John Flasher 

Petter A Voatts 

Stephen Burdeth — 73 Men 





Cap* Abrali Boelen 
Lutt Abrah Van Wyk 
Sec. Lut. Henry Beekman 
Insign William de Peyster 

1 Victoor Heyer 

2 Kasper Burger 

3 Jn*' Roome 

4 Jno Meyer 

5 Walter Heyer 

6 William Beek 

7 Isack Van DeiU'se 

8 William Baldwin 

9 Jno Coo 

10 Jno Parmijter 

11 Edward Hiter 

12 Jno Ten Brouk 

13 Arond Heyer 

14 William Heyer 

15 William Oglesbey 

16 Oliver Sioert 

17 Cornelius Van Den Berg 

18 Johannes Aelstyn 

19 Samuel Bell 

20 Jno Barlow 

21 Abrah Aeylstyn Jun"^ 

22 Sampson Bensin 

23 Abrah Finsher 

24 Jno Couzyn 

25 Jno Hatton 

26 Phillip Boiles 

27 Joseph de Vou 

28 Thomas Windover 

29 Samuel Berry 

30 Henry George 

31 Harman Bensin 

32 Gerrit Hyer 

33 Jno Demmok 

34 Harman Linch 

35 Jno Van Home 

36 Peter Hebon 

37 Joshua Slyder 

38 Jacobus Berry 

39 Jno Walker 

40 Vincent Montanie 

41 Walter Hyer 

42 Cornelius Bussing 

43 Jeptah Smith 

44 Gerret Cozyn 

45 Adriaen Hogeland 

46 Henry Slyk 

47 Thomas Welsh 

48 James Turner 

49 William Roome 

50 Peter Roome 

51 Thomas Lawrence 

52 Jno Barker 

53 Daniel Van Deurse 

54 Samuel Dunscomb 

55 Thomos Sanders 

56 William Welsh 

57 Jno James 

58 Robberd Sickles 

59 William Lattim 

60 Jno Johnson 

61 Jno Exeen 

62 George Willis 

63 Machiel Cornelisse 

64 Roberd Troop 

65 Jno Montayne 

66 Jacob Roome 

67 George Van Home 

68 Fredrik Bloom 

69 Herman Johnson 

70 Cornelius Van Hook — 74 

Cap* Cornelus Van Home 
Lev* Jacob Walton 
2 Lev' David Provoost 
Insign Henry Rutgers 
Arie King 
Jacob Kip 
Henry Benson 
Aernout Rome 


New York Feb>- 8 Ao 1737 [ 8. 


5 Samson Benson Sam» Son 
James Hyde 
Abraham Sanders 
Samson Benson Thewes Son 
James Clerck 
10 Samuel Maghee 
Alexander Maghee 
John Stephens 

John Evvets 
Thomas Perdou 

15 JohnWaddell 
Lodewyck kraan 
John White 
David Michell 
Benjamen Loory 

20 Phillip Lewis 



John Christian 
Samuel Barnhart 
Marthen Myer 
Isack Brazier 

25 Abraham Peltrou 
Johannes Pool 
John Van Pelt 
Charles Sprangier 
Robbert Provoost 
Joshua Laplaine 
Samuell Weever 
Jonathan Peasley 
Peter Vergeroa 
Edward Killey 

35 Nicolas Murfey 

John Bogert John Son 
Jacobus Quick 
Samuel Couwenoven 
John Robins 

40 Pieter pontenier 
aswerus Elzewart 
Cap Nathaniel Hinson 
Wynant van Gelder 
Jonathan Right 

45 James Burlin 
Richard Gill 
William Hauckshurst 

Lodewyck Bemper 
Daniell Bountekoe 

vO Abraham Hyat 
Isack Bokee 
James Bussy 
Aarent Gilbord 
John fine 

55 George Joung 

James Codden Jun"^ 
George Marschalk 
Henry Van de AVater 
Daniell Bonett 

60 Jacob Senjoor 
William Eckson 
Hugh Wentwort 
Philip Cetchin 
Gilbord Hyatt 

65 John Chappell 
Isack Varian 
Nathaniell Sackett 
Isack Gardner 
Mozes Tayler 

70 Thomas Fealds 
John Walless 
John Suttin 
Richard Durham 
Cornelus Van Gelder 

75 John Saunders 

Jeremia Sherdevine 

Alexander Mackdou 

Robberd Marrell 

Thomas Bradberry 
80 Peter De Groot 

Wiliani Bartled 

Thomas Grant 

Edward Hix 

Or s tin Hix 
85 Walter Achter de Long 

Charles Smith 

Thomas Sickels Jun"" 

Richard Waldron 

Hendrick Header 
90 Daniell Vaun 

Joseph North 

John Dunscum 

Joseph Collet t 

David Schot 
95 William Boyd 

John Lake 

Mathew Woodford 

Wiliam Cerlijal 

Abraham Bokee 

100 Caleb Farley 

101 DanieU Van Vleck— 105 




James Searie 1'' 

Wil" Walton 2d 

John Vanderspegle Ensi>?i 

Tho' Hall J s^^g^^^^^ 

Ja* Creighton ) 

W" Colegrove 
Martin Clock 
Sam" Sage 
Sam" Lewis 
John Haraans 
Hulchin Marshal 
Benjamin Moore 



Humphrey Jones 
Sam" Babington 
ohn Stout 
Hendrick Cregeer 
Martinus Cregeer Jun'^ 
Abraham Bargeau 
John Smith 
Benjamin Shoot 
James Wallbritten 
Francis Wessels 
Henry Holt 
Tho' Peirce 
James Jarret 


Sam" Levy 
David Robinson 
John Pintard 
Thos Duncan 
Tobias Ten Eyck 
John Hastier 
George Burnett 
Charles Hume 
Joris Brinckerhooflf 
Jacob Franks 
Moses Franks 
David Franks 
Tho* Willit 



Joseph Leddel 
Joseph Leddel Jun* 
Stephen Galas 
Rob« Crook 
Thos Oaks 
James Bayley 
Thos Tyte 
Samii Pell 

Gerardus Duyckinck 
John M'^Mullen 
Rich'i Ray 
W™ Shermur 
John Swilivan 
W'° Orsban 
W™ Gale 
Barant Bush 
John Wriglit 
Elijah Heaviland 
George Lamb 
Joseph Watkir 

Charles Sleigh 
Jolin Williams 
Sam" Myers Cohen 
Andries Ten Eyck 
Richd Ten Eyck 
Peter Telyew 
Henry Demire 
Rob' Richardson 
RichJ Evits 
John Ganter 
Nicholas Ganter 
Thomas Griggs 
Thomas Griggs Jun' 
William Colvvill 
Isaac Shurdavine 
Rice Williams 
John Lundlakin 
Jacobus Fork 
Richard Fork 
Elias Burger 

Jacob Vandergrift 
Peter Pravv Vinsant 
John Gasharee 
Henry Patterson 
Peter Galatian 
Sam" Brown 
John Dewitt 
John Buckanover 
Franclss Worner 
Rineer Burger 
Daniel Lynsen 
David Walker 
Tho« Picks 
Tho' Rigby 
Richd Byfield 
Joseph Scott 

Charles Hanley — 91 Men 
97 (officers omitted.) 



Isaac De peyster Leuff 
N W grant Second Leuff 
gaul Du Bous Insine 
Jacobes Stoutenburgh Clarck 

harme Bussingh 
Benjamen Quackenbos 
Christeaen Stuiver 
John Blanck Ser<^ 
John Month any e Drummer 

1 • John Eeuwets 

2 franses Barrea 

3 Richard hopper 

4 Isaac Stoutenburgh 

5 John Vredenburgh 

6 odreen Deppye 

7 Walter De Graau 

8 John oblyne 

9 John Stoutenburgh 

10 Tobias Stoutenburgh 

11 Albartus Van de Water 

1 2 henderyckas Van de Water 

13 frerick heyr 

14 Richard Warner 

1 5 John Bond 

16 Ad ward Linter 

17 John Nicholds 

18 Adam Van de Bergh 

19 Willm Spoor 

20 Aswerus turck 

21 Zacharejas Ziggelse 

22 Richard Baker 

23 Willm Louwdeth 

24 Peter Pruar 

25 Peter Lott 

26 thomas Ellon 

27 Pieter Losie 

28 Corneles Van Vechten 

29 Willm poppelstorf 

30 Alexander Willsen 

31 gerrit Van gelder 

32 Evert pels 

33 Samuel pels 

34 Marchus Peflfer 

35 Corneles Cozeijn 

36 John Whiler 

37 ad ward kimmel 

38 Wilm Croleus 

39 Peter Corsieleus 

40 henderickas oth 

41 Johannes Remie 

42 Johannes Staat 

43 Johannes pieter Kimpel 

44 gerret de freest 

45 Baltus hejr 

46 John Cure 



47 Robbert Cure 

48 Ducke arrell 

49 Jacob Wickenbergh 

50 Wilm Acklye - 

51 John Acklye 

52 Pieter Andriesse 

53 geysbert gerritse 

54 Samuel oths 

55 Wilm per sell 

56 Anthony hem 

57 John Dubs 

58 John Bogei't 

59 henry Van Ness 

60 Richard Kip 

61 Isaac Bussingh 

62 Aron Bussiugh 

63 Gaspares Blanck 

64 John van orden 

65 John Davis 

66 Jacob Bruar 

67 Joliu Bruar 

68 Abram Bruar 

69 Nicolas tomas 

70 Daniel Burger 

71 Nicliolas Rosevelt 

72 Adam king 

73 Willm fisser 

74 John Post 

75 Peter Garble 

76 henry Stanton 

77 John monthanye 

78 Jacob Monthanye 

79 Anthony Boutser 

80 Barnaba Saruch 

81 Corneles Magielse 

82 Beujamen Watchen 

83 amusWillckenson 

84 Willm Burneth 

85 John hughsten 

86 henry hennejou 

87 Isaac hennejon 

88 Michall Louwerier 

89 Everardus Bruar — 95 Men 

New York y* lO'h ApriU 1738. 


sher 3 

Capt Mathew Clarkson 

Simon Johnson first Leutenant 

Cornelius Wynkoop 2"<> Leuten* 

John Dyer Ensigne 

Jolin Hey( 

John Lesher 

John De Foreest Gorp"* 

1 Cornelus Bruckman 

2 James Symes 

3 Adam Dobbs 

4 Samuel Johnson 

5 James Cammel 

6 Daniel Masters 

7 John Richard 

8 Peter Wessells 

9 William Brown 

10 Abraham Isaac 

11 Henry Breasted 

12 James De Hart 

13 John Dunlop 

14 Edward Nickolds 

15 John Cregier 

16 Harmanis Schuyler 

17 Richard Nauwood 

18 Francis Bratt 

1 9 Solomon Myers 

20 John Ten Eyck 

21 Thomas Routh 

22 Jarvis Routh 

23 Abraham Marchalk 

24 John De Foreest 

25 Isaac De Foreest 

26 Nicholas De Foreest 

27 David Gox 

28 Isaac Maddox 

29 Justis Witfeald 

30 Henry Witfeald 

31 Daniel Eflfets 

32 Gedion Lynsen 

33 John De Mercor 

34 Henry Carmor 

35 William Lewis 

36 James Manna 

37 Stheven Smith 

38 Andrew Breasted 

39 William Holton 

40 William Dobbs 

41 Anthony Yerrenton 

42 Francis Harding 

43 Dennes Andersin 

44 Nicholas Anthony 

45 Joseph Simson 

46 Thomas Edwards 

47 Henry Bifiins 

48 John Bloom 

49 Abrahan Van Deursen 

50 Jassa De Foreest 

51 Adam Beeckman 

52 John Blage 

53 Beajamin Blage 

54 Henry Peek 

55 James Mecerty 

56 John Nickolds 

57 William English 

58 Garret Heyer — 65 with of- 


Vol. IV. 






David Schuyler l^t Lieuten^ 


Thomas De Waite 

S* George Talbot Ensine 


John Brasier 

but since removed 


John Norris 

Isaac Blanck ? gergeants 
Tunis Devour 3 


Robert Griffith 


Wm Griffith 

Tunis Van Wort Corporal 


W"! Pritch 

Private Centinels 


David Griffith 


Cornelius Van De Water 


John Thompson 


W"" Hitchcock 


W"! Lyell 


Jacob Van Deursen 


Wm Pears! ey 


Matthew Bell Sen' 


Aron Van Hook 


Matthew Bell Jun' 


John Meckilsa 


W™ Ellsworth 


Ellas Stanbury 


John Claude 


David Goodwin 


John Alwin 


John Steinobuck 


Peter Armant 


Jacob Peek 


Jeremiah Reading 


David Smith 


John Johnson 


John Peterskyder 


W'" Millerin 


Yost Palden 


Cornells Brower 


Gisbert Vytden Bogert 


Benjamin Killmaster 


Jacob Pitt 


James Bodin 


Abraham Pitt 


Joseph De Lome 


Peter Lamer se 


John Johnson 


Robert Harris 


John Morin 


Peter Cobusnyder 


Benja Appleby- 


Saunders Rutson 


George Witts 


Surt Olivers 


Anthony Rutgers 


Adam King 


Robert Benson 


Henry Cavalier 


Richard Bradburne 


Paulns Speder 


Henry Beckman 


Paulus Berger 


Matthew Allstine 


Jacob Bush 


Samuel Goodness 


Peter Plowman 


Peter Petersen 

60 Gisbert Van Deursen 

61 Surfus Fleerinboome 

62 George Prior 

63 Peter Lesser 

64 Jacob King 

65 Samuel Browne 

66 Gisbert Uytden Bogert 

67 Cornelius Roomer Sen' 

68 Cornelius Roomer Jun' 

69 Cornelius Thorp 

70 John Clarke 

71 John French 

72 Abraham Wheeler 

73 William Cook 

74 Lawrence Lamerse 

75 Elbert Hommerman 

76 Abraham Florentine 

77 Hendrick Anthony 

78 William Cansaly 

79 John Dennis 

80 Gisbert Van Vlecq 

81 Barent Barliite 

82 William Morgan 

83 Dirrick Cook Jun' 

84 Peter Van Norden 

85 John Elnor 

86 William Peick 

87 Abraham Blanck 

88 Jacob Bennet 

89 Garret Defreest 

90 Thomas Maybourn 

91 Roger McCornet— with of- 

ficers 98 





Charles Le Roux Esqr Major 1738, Aug* 15 

No. 1 Abram Vanwyck Captain in the room of Capt" Le Roux ----- 16 

2 Guilian Verplanck Cap* in the room of Coll Moore - - - - - - -17 

3 Isaac De Peyster Cap' in the room of Coll Robinson ------ is 

First Lieutenants. 

1 Henry Beekman - - - - To Capt. Abram Boelen - - - - 19 

2 Jacob kip - - - - to Capt. Gerard^ Stivesant - - _ 21 

3 David Provoost - - - - to Capt. Paul Richards ----- 22 

4 William Walton Jun"^ - - to Cap* Abram Vanwyck - - - - 23 

5 Abel Hardenbrook - - - to Cap* Gerardus Beekman - - - - 24 

6 Tobias Stoutenburgh - - to Capt Isaac Depeyster - - - . 25 

7 Walter Dubois - - - - to Cap* Gulian Verplank - - - - 26 

Second Lieutenants. 

1 Philip Minthorne - - - to Cap* Gerardus Stivesant - - - 28 

2 David Abeel - - - - to Cap' Henry Cuyler - - - - - 29 

3 John Dyer - - - - to Capt Matliew Clarkson - - - . 30 

4 William Depeyster - - - to Cap' Abram Boelen ----- 31 

5 John vanderspiegle - - - to Capt Cornel's Vanhorne Sept"" - - 1 

6 Henry Rutgers - - - - to Capt Abram Vanwyck - - _ . 2 

7 John Pinhorne - - - to Capt Guilian Verplank - - - - 4 

8 John Dewit - - - - to Capt Gerardus Beekman - - - - 5 

9 Edward Hicks - - - to Capt paul Richards - . _ . g 
10 Thomas Duncan - - - - to Capt. Isaac Depeyster - - _ - 9 


1 Thos Willet - - - - to Capt Guilian Verplank - - - - 9 

2 Barent Rynders - - - - to Capt Henry Cuyler . _ _ . - n 

3 Humphry Jones - - - to Capt Abram Vanwyck - - - - 12 

4 Andw Clopper - - - - to Cap' Isaac Depeyster - - - - 13 

5 Barthw Lereaux - - - to Capt Cornelius Vanhorne - - - 14 

6 Robert Bensen - - - - to Capt Gerardus Beekman - - - - 15 

7 John Barberie - - - - to Cap' Paul Richards - - - - 16 

8 Abram Cortlandt - - - to Capt Math^ Clarkson - - - - 18 

9 Gerardus Beekman Jun' - - to Capt Abram Boelen - - - - 19 
10 John Bensen - - - - to Cap* Gerardus Stivesant - - - - 20 





Collo A. Gaasbeek Chambers. 
Let Collo Wessel Ten Broeck. 
Mayor Coenradt Elmendorp. 
Quarter Master Cornells Elmendorp. 

Cap* Johannis Ten Broeck 
Lieut' Wessel Ten Broeck Jun' 
Corn* Tho's Gaasbeek Chambers 
is' Qr. Mas. Hendrlckus Krom 
2"<^ Qr. M. Johannis De Lamatre 
Trump'' Abraham Constapell 
!»' Corpori Richard Wells 
Z"*! Corpor' Gerrit Elmendorph 
3'<J Corpor' Arie Van Vliet 
4'*' Corpor' Martie Lamatre 

5 Corpor"' Ffrederick Schoon- 


6 Corpor' Solomon Haasbrock 
Solomon Van Bunschoten 
Jacob Haasbrock 

Cornells Depue 
Samuel Bovie 
Benjamin Depue 
Egbert Brinck 
Jan Ffreer 
Cornells Ten Broeck 

A List of the Troopers Under 

Johannis Wynkoope Jun"^ 
Daniel De Bois 
Danill Haasbrock 
Arent Ploegh 
Samuel Schoonmaker 
Tjerck Schoonmaker 
Arie Oosterhout 
Wessel Broadhead 
Simon Jacobs Ya.n Wagenen 
Simon Van Wagenen 
Jacob Van Wagenen 
Egbert De Witt 
David Burhance 
Edward Whittaker Jun' 
Jacobus Schoonmaker 
Thomas Nottingham 
Abraham Van Wagenen 
Cornelis De Witt 
Cornells New Kerck 
Petrus Ten Broeck 
Abraham de Lamatre 

the Command of 
Wilhelmus Van Hooghtyling J' 
Joghem Schoonmaker Jun' 
Wessel Jacobs Ten Broeck 
Jan Tuenis Oosterhout 
Martie Middagh 
Johannis Dubois 
Petrus Tappen 
Coenraedt Elmendorph Jun' 
Abraham Hardenbergh 
Gysbert Hend'^ Krom 
Leonard Hardenbergh 
Cornelis New Kerck 
Jacob Rutsen Jun' 
Harma Rosekrans 
Phihp Dumon 
Lucius Elmendorph 
Abraham Kiersted 
James Scott 
William Krom Jun» 
to^" 60 

A list of the foot Company of Militia of the Corporation of Kingston Under the 


^ap' John Persen 
Lievte. Peter Oosterhout 
Ensign Edward Whittaker 
Sarj^ Aarey Newkerk 
Sarja Ned Devenport 
Sarja Jacobus Van Dyck 
Corpo Samuel Nights 
Corpo Nathan Dubois 
Corpo Solomon Freer 

Command of 

Dromer Andries Van Leven 
Samuel Wood 
Jacobus Roosa 
Coenradt Elmendorp 
Jacobus Persen 
Peter Van Leven 
Nemiah Debois 
Ricard Davenport ' 
Andris Hoof 

Phillip Hoof 
Hendricus Oosterhout 
Daniel Whittaker 
Samuel Davenport 
Cornelus Persen 
William Myre 
Christian Myre 
William Legg 
Jacobus Debois Jn' 



Samuel Debois 
William Wliittaker 
Jacobus Whittaker 
John Davenport Jn"" 
Johanes Schram 
Corn" Longing Dyck 
Abra Hardenberge 

Anthony Sleght 
John Legg Jn'' 
Humphy Devenport 
Mosas Youman 
Brure Decker 
John Decker 
Tobias Winekoop 

Johanes Humble 
Godfrey Woolf Jn' 
Fredrick Row 
Michel Planck 
Jm-ian Tappen 
Robert Sever 
Totall 47 

ULSTER ) A list of the foot 

Cap* Tjrck Van Keuren 
Lievten* Abraham Low 
Ensign Dirck Winekoop 
Sergt William Swart 
Serg' Tobias Van Bueren 
Corp' Petrus Smedes 
Corp' Ephraim Dubois 
Corp' Marynis Van Aken 
Dromf Corn' Jansen 
Willem Eltinge 
Peter Van Aken 
Thomas Beekman 
Cornells Van Kueren 
Cornells Sleght 
David De Lametter 
Evert Bogardus 
Nicolas Bogardus 
Jan Heermans 
Tennis Van Steenbergh 
Abra Van Steenbergh 

Company of Militia of the 
of Capt. Tjrck 

Hendrikus Slegh 
Johanuis Dubois 
Abra De Lametter 
Johans Ba : De Witt 
Hiskiah Dubois 
Evert Winekoop Juf 
Tobias Van Steenbergh 
Jan Van Aken 
Johannis Chonsalisduck 
Jan Perse Ju"" 
Petrus Low 
Isaac Van Wagenen 
Abr^ Van Kueren 
Gerett Freer 
Corn' Perse 
Robert Beever 
Mooses Jorck 
Giedeon Van Aken 
Frans Hendrick 
Joseph Chonsalisduck 

Corporation Kinston Under the Command 
Van Keuren. 

Thimoteos Van Steenbergh 

Jacobus De loo 

Dirck Teerpen 

Maas Bloemendal 

Jacob Turck 

Jacobus Eltinge 

Jan Lome 

Johannis Felter 

Jame Letsin 

Peter Vanderline 

Petrus Eltinge 

Corn' De Lametter Ju' 

Abra Lome Ju' 

Jacobus Van Kueren 

Willem Krom 

Petrus Van Aken 

William Deen 

Dirck Van Vleet Ju' 

Benjamin Van Vleet 

Johannis Van Vleet — tot" 60. 


Capt Tjrck Dewitt 

Left Petrus Bogardus 

Ins'' Igenas Dumont 

Serj' Jury Snyder 

Serj' William Wells 

Serj' Petrus Viele 

Corpo Lukas Dewitt 

Corp» Peter Dumont 

Corpo Wilhelmus Hoghteling 

of the foot Company of Militia 
the Command of 

Clark Jarman Pick 
Phillip Viele Ju' 
Sam" Wells 
Corn« Viele 
Corn« Marston 
John Masten 
Gerritt Viele 
Jacobus Dumond 
Benja Marten 

of the Corporation of Kingston under 

John Maclene 

Antony Hotfman 

Hend' Vankuren 

Teunis Ploegh 

Zacryas Hoffman Ju' 

Petrus Edmundus Elmendorp 

Lenard Hardenbergh 

Jacob Hardenbergli 

Peter Leebonte 



Dirck Shepmoes 
Johanes Viele 
Gerritt Van Steenbergh 
Corn« Van Kuren Ju'' 
Johanis Masten 
John Waters 
Henry Ellis 
Jacob Mauris 
Isaac Wlieeler 
Hump'> Davenport 
Peter Burgar 
Isaac Dubois 

Johans Shepmoes 
Gerrett Davenport 
Art Masten 
Coenra Vanburen 
Albert Beein 
Dirck Teerpening 
Jacobus Deyoe 
Johan^ Degrave 
Corn^ Vankuren 
Jacobus Vanetten 
Mattys Merkell 
Hendrick Vreligh 

Coenrad Rechtmire 
Heskia Winekoop 
Christan Derick 
Fredrick Row 
Tobias Winekoop 
William Bell 
Arie Delonga 
Corn^ Vandenbergh 
Jolian^ Hoghtellng 
Jacob Dubois Ju' 
Tot" 61. 


apt Hendrick H. Schoonmaker 
Lent: John Sleght 
Insjn La wrens Van Gaasbeck 
Sarj : Edward Wood 
Sarj : Dirck Van Vleet 
Sarj : Jacobus De Lametter 
Corpo Teunis Swart 
Corpo Johanas Snyder 
Corpo William Oosterliout 
Clark Benjamin Sleght 
John Ploegh 
Peter Winne 
Heskiah Schoonmaker 
Teunis A. Swart 
Aarent Ploegh 
John Wittaker 

the foot Company of Militia 
the Command of 

Abr^^ Burhans 
Cryn Oosterhout 
Jan Peterse Oosterhout 
Aares Van Steenbergh 
Teunis Oosterhout 
Jan Krinse Oosterhout 
Hendrick Brinck 
Jacob Brinck 
Lawrens Swart 
Abra Post 
Abr=i Oosterhout 
Jan Woolf 
Johannis Burhans 
Marta Snyder 
Zachary Backer 

of the Corporation, of Kingston under 

Lawrence Salisbury 
Johannis Burhans Jn'' 
Poules Pelen 
Bowdewine Vanderlip 
Teunis Van Bunschote 
Wilhelmus Demyer 
Jacobus Van Steenbergh 
Hendricus Ploegh Jn' 
Hend"" Krynse Oosterhout 
Petrus Krynse Oosterhout 
Hendricus Ploegh 
Abra Davenport 
Petrus Oosterhout 
Corn'' Swart 
Grieg Magriegere — tot'i 46. 

ULSTER COUNTY. Jl List of the foot Company of Militia of marbletovm under the Command of 

Capt Daniel Brodhead 
Liev* John Dewitt 
Ensign John Brodhead 
Serjeant Martin Bogart 
Serjeant Jacobus Bush 
Serjeant Thomas Keator 
Corporal Cornelius Van Kampen 
Corporal Christopher Davis 
Corporal Jacob Keator 

Capt. Daniel Brodhead. 

Drummer Seter Vandenbergh 
Gierke Ricd Pick 

Lambert Brinck 
Johannes Van Luven 
Andreas Van Luven 
Frederick Davis 
Gysb' Roosa 
Jan Roosa 

Jacob Keyser 
Valentine Smith 
Tuenis Klarwater 
Johannes Bush 
James Robinson 
Mathew Algar 
James Algar 
Hartman Hine 
Arien Vandermarke 



Jacob Vandermarke 
Jacob Middagb 
Jacobus Tack 
Isaac Tack 
Johannes Jansen 
Dirck Bush 
Melgart Ketor 
Tho^ Vandermarke 
Augustinus Ketor 
Hendrick Roosa 
Hend'" Vandermarke 
Dirck Keyser 
Samuel Davis 
Samuel Cock 
Benj!^ Davis 
Alexander Ennis 
Andrew Kernith 
Isaac Van Kampen 
Samuel Mourits 
Johan^ Thomas 
Moses Cantien 

Nicholas Keyser 
William Hine 
John Wood 
Johannes Elting 
Anthony Gerrits 
Corne Tack Jn' 
Henry Jansen 
Thos Bush 
Fred'' Keator 
Hend' Bush 
John Price 
Lambert Bush 
Moses Depuy 
Johans Vandermarke 
Thorn* Vandermarke 
Nicholas Vandermarke 
Arie Ketor 
Thorns More 
John Krom 
Henry Krom Jn"" 
Robert Maginnis 

Lewis Bevier 
Johanas Kool 
Andreas Conterman 
Henry Conterman 
Adam Hoflfman 
Hendricus Van Steenburgh 
Abra Constaple 
Richard Lonsberry 
William Ennis 
Angus Vandemarke 
Ephaim Chambers 
Dirck Keyser Jn' 
Jacob Keyser Jn' 
Jacob Sleyter 
Nicholas Sleyter 
Nich* Sloyter Jn' 
Johannes Depuy 
Fred' Schoomker 
Power Easel 
Edward Robason 
John Smith— tot" 89 



Capt John Byard 
Liev* William Berland 
Ensign William Keils 
Serj' John Newkerk 
Corp" John Miller 
Lendert Coll 
Cornelius Coll 
Barnat Coll 
John Robeson 
James Ghspy 
Thomas Ghspy 
John Willkine 
Wilham Wilkins 
Andraw Graham 
George Olloms 
John North 
John North Ju"' 
Samuel North 
James Young 

Robert Young 
Mathew Young 
John Andraws 
James M<=Neill 
John McNeill 
Andraw borland 
John borland 
John McNeill Ju>- 
James Craford 
John Craford 
Alexander MiUigan 
NathaneiU Hill 
Alix"! kid 
Archabald Hunter 
James Hunter 
John Wharrey 
Benja Hins 
John M^ Neill Senior 
Mathew Prea 

William Craford 
Robert hunter 
James Munall 
Gors Monull 
John Munall 
Wilham Monall 
Thomas Neils 
Robert Neils 
John Neils 
Mathew Neils 
NathaneiU jojter 
John Neily Ju' 
Joseph butteltown 
Thomas Colman 
Joseph Shaw 
pathrick broodrick 
William Soutter 
John butfield 
John M^ve 


John Jones 
Joseph knap 
Isakiah Gaill 
Celab knep 
Robert M'^Cord 
William fallkne 
Ezrail Rodgr 
Jaremiah Rodgr 
James Rodgr 
James Whit 
John Manly 
francius walls 
Robert Hughy 
Robert banhanan 
James Egar 
Thomas M<=Collom 
Sojornars Her 
John Haves 
M kam Clein 


Jury burger 
Hugh flenign 
Benj=^ benot 
Patrick M= peick 
John Eldoris 
Patrick Galasby 
John Lowry 
Samuel mith 
Jopth Teall 
James Craford 
Joseph Sutter 
David Cree 
Edward Andrews 
Samuel Crayford 
Endrew Doell 
Phillip Milsbugh 
Cronamas Mingus 
Stuffel Moll 
Hannas Crane 

John Yong 
Hendrick Newkerk 
Frederick Sauzabus 
Cornelius walls 
Hendrick Crist 
Hunas Crist 
Lowrance Crist 
Mattys Milsbigh 
and his son 
John Mings 
Stevanis Crist 
Jacob bush 
Cronamas falter 
Richard Gatehouse 
John boyls 
Richard boyls 
John Jameson 
John M<=Donall 
James Davis — tot^' 114 

ULSTER ? A list of the foot 

Cap' Cornells Wine Coop 
Lef * Antonie Crispel 
Insin Abraham Ten Eyck 
Serje Hendrick Konstaple 
Corpi Solomon ter Willege 
Corpi Jacob Vanwagene 
Drom"^ Marynis Chambers 
Jan Van Duese Clarke 

Nicolas Blansjan 
Lambert Brinck 
Tuenis Oostrander 
Jan Roosa 

Hendrick Oostrander 
Gerret Konstapel 
Johannis Crispel 
Johannis Suylandt 
Arie Van Etten 
Harmanus Oostrander 
Antonie Crispel Ju' 
lohan* Konstaple 

Company of Militia of hurly 
Wine Coop. 

Andries Van Vliet 
Heyman Roosa 
Jan A Roosa 
Gysbert Roosa Ju' 
Jan Crispel Ju' 
Dirck Roosa 
Gerret Je^ Freer 
Ned Wieler 
Edvart Chammers 
Daniel potter 
Robert Wieler 
Wouter Sluyter 
Evert Sluyter 
Willem Smit 
Gerret Van Wagenen 
Johans Van Wagenen 
Aert Van Wagenen 
Matys Blansyan Ju' 
Simon Helm 
Adam Sjeever 
Jefta De Lange 

under the Command of Capt. Comelis 

Chrisstoffel Brosie 
Mattheus Nieukerck 
Benja^ Nieukerck 
Petrus Crispel 
Jan Ja : Roosa 
Abra Roosa 
Nicolas Roosa 
Benja Claerwatei 
Jan ter Willege Ju' 
Jan Van Dense Ju"" 
Jan Brinck 

Johannis Oostrander Ju 
Willem Sluyter Ju' 
Hendrick Ja : Freer 
Jan Waters 
Albert Ja : Roosa 
Willem Burhans 
Jacop Clyn 
Jacop Oostrander 
Totn 60. 


ULSTER )J[ list of the 

€apt Cornelius Hoornbeck 
Lieut pliillip Dubois 
Ensign Cornel ins B : Low 
Serja Joliannis Hoornbeck 
Serj» Jolin Wesbroeck 
Serj* Harmanis Rosekrans 
Corp° Samuel Swarthout 
Corp« Tuenis Middagh 
Corpo Manuel Gonsalis 

Arien Van Vliet 

John Schoonmaker 

Benj* van wagenea 

John Robeson 

John Hillnien 

Frans Kelder 

Jacob Kelder 

William Kelder 

Felter Kelder 
Jacobus Quick 
Jacobus Depue 
Joli* Hendreickson 
Joli* Krom 
Hendrick Krom 
Daniel Schoonmaker 
Jocham Fra ; Sclioonmaker 
Joliannis Miller 
Josaphat Dubois 


foot Company of Militia of Rocester 
Cornelius Hoornbeck. 
Jacob Vernoy 
Tuenis Oosterhout Jur 
Krya Oosterhout 
Nicholas Ketor 
Petrus Oosterliout 
Hend« Oosterliout 
Jonathan Westbroeck, 
Johannis Westbroeck 
Matheus Terwillige 
Nicklas Low 
Abra Low 
Cornelius Low 
Jacobus Low 
Johannis Oosterhout 
Jereraia Van Dermerke 
Jacob Dewitt Ju'' 
John Dewitt 
Cornelius Winekoop 
Jacobus Terwillige 
John Terwillige 
Benj* Hoornbeck 
Dirck Hoornbeck 
Peter Westbroeck 
Tobias Hoornbeck 
Jacobus Hoornbeck 
Lowrence Cortreght 
Mathew Cortreght 

wi'der th^e Command of Cnpt 

Peter Cortreght 

Hendrick Cortreght 

Johannis Ketor 

Isaac Van Akea 

Charles Dannesoa 

Richard Kittle 

Benja Roggers 

Wessel Vernoy 

Coenradt Vernoy 

Micliel Helm 

Petrus Low 

Lawies Bovier Ju' 

Cornelius Bovier 
Samuel Bovier Ju*" 
Jacob Bovier 

Manuel Gonsalis Ju"^ 
Jacob Middagk 
Abr*' Middagh 
Isaac Middagh 
Johannis Middagh 
Janies Simson 
Jacob Vandermarke 
Geradus Van Inwegen 
Benja Coddebeck 
William CoddebecK 
Abr*' Coddebeck 
Peter Jemare — totall 81. 

ULSTER I A list of the foot 

Capt Zacharias Hoffman 
Liev* Benjamin Smedes Ju*" 
Tnsign Zacliarias Hotlraan Ju' 
Serjs John teer penning 
Seijs John Freer 
Serjs Evert Terwillege 
Corpo Cluistian Dujo 
Corp* Hendrick Dujo 
Corpo Isaac Lefever 
Isaac freer 
Tuenis Terpening 
Vol. IV. 

Chmpany of Militia of the Pals 

Zacharias Hoftmuu 
Jan Une 
Jonas freer 
James Agmodi 
Simon Lefever 
Petrus Low 
Johannis Low 
Josia Elting 
Abr-i Dujo 
Cornelius Dubois 
Jonathan Dubois 
Hend«- Dubois 


imder tk-e Commatid of Capf, 

Mosis Dujo 

August" Van Dermerke 
Jacob Ge: Decker 
James Pin nick 
Daniel Winfiel 
Manewel ter Willige 
Johannes Terwilige 
Hendrick Decker 
Petrus Terwillige 
Thorns Janson Ju>- 
William Rosekrans 



Josua Smedes 
Geiett Ja: Decker 
Stevanis Swart 
John Robertse 
Andrew Graraes 
Rober Greams 
John Blake 
Tames Jonston 
Salamon Isrel 
Samuel Sampson 
Roger blamles 
Kicliavd Davis 
Lawrence Eldorp 
Tonias Maccoun 
Jolm Andrew 
Arie Terwillege 
William Schoot 
Cornelius bruyn 
William Ja: Decker 
Jacob Ja: Decker 
Abr* Ja: Decker 

Isaac Ja: Decker 
Benja Ja: Decker 
Jacob He: Decker 
Abr* He: Decker 
Abr'' Terwillige 
Isaac Terwillige 
Evert Terwillige Ju' 
Corn^ Schoonmaker Ju' 
Corns Cool 
Johanuis Cool 
Lowis Pontenere 
John Gream 
William Weller 
Hendrick Weller 
Isaac Haasbroeck 
Jacob Haasbroeck Ju 
Benja Haasbroock 3x1" 
Zacharias klarwater 
Abr'* Bovier 
Mathues Bovier 

Jacobus Bovier 

Isaac Bovier 

Abr* Lefever 

Nathael Lefever 

Benj* Haasbroeck 

Symon Dubois 

Isaac Lefever Ju' 

Peter De: jo 

Huge Freer Ju"" 

Hendrick Van Wijak 

Abra Vandermerke 

Lewis Sa: Bovier 

William Armstrong 

Robert Jong 

Mathew Jong 

Robert Cain 

Robert Hanne 

John Magdonel 

John Jemson 

Johannes Masseker — tot" 94 

ULSTER ) A list of the foot 


Cap* Thomas Ellison 

Liev' George Harrison 

Ensign John Young 

Serjent David Davis 

Serjent Patrick M<^Cloghry 

Serjent IMosas Garitson 

Corpo Jacobus Brujn Jn' 

Corpo James Stringham 

Corp" Jonatlian Hazzard 

Clark Charles Clinton 

John Umphrey 

Jame Gamble 

John Gamble 

Cornelius M'-Clean 

John Umphry Ju' 

James Umphry 

Peter Mulinder 

Robert Burnet 

Arcliibald Beaty 

Arthar Beaty 

David Olliver 

Company of Militia of the presenic of 
of Capt. Thos. Ellison. 
Mathew Davis 
Alexander Falls 
David Bedford 
William Coleman - 
Joseph Sweezer 
Thomas Coleman 
John M-^Vey 
John Jones 
Patrick Broderick 
Joseph Sliaw 
Calab Curtis 
William Sutten 
Jeremiah Foster 
Cliarles Beaty 
Amas Foster 
Alexander Denniston 
James Young 
James Nealy 
Robert Feef 
Joseph Butterton 
Samuell Luekey 

the Higland Under the Command 

John Markham 
John Read 
Jeseph M'^Mikhill 
David Umphrey 
Johannis George 
Jeremiah Tomkins 
Isaac Tomkins 
William Watts 
Josiah Els worth 
James Els worth 
Anthony Preslaer 
Jonathan Tomkins 
Jolm Nicoll Jn' 
Alexander McKey 
Robert Sparks 
Jevriali Quick 
Thomas Quick 
Jacob Gillis 
Joseph Simson 
James Clark 
Jolm Clark 



Lodewick Miller 
Peter Miller 
George Waygant 
William Ward 
William Ward Jn' • 
John Mattys Kirabergh 
William Smith Jn^ 
James Edmeston 

Tobias Waygate 
Jerry Mause 
Thomas Johnston 
Casparis Stymas 
John Monger 
James Luekey 
Thomas Williams 
Robert Banker 

Thomas Fear 
Frederick Paintei 
Mosas Elsworth 
John Marie 
Jonathan Owens 
Andrew McDowell 
Daniel Coleman 
Tot. 86. 



Judges of the Court of Common 

John Le Conte Judge 
Cliristian Corsen Second Judge 
Gozen Adrianz Third Judge 

Justices of the Peace. 

* Nicholas Britton 

* Ricliard Stilwell 

* Joseph Bedell 

* John Veghte 

* Rem Vander Beek 

* John La Tourrette 

* Thomas Billopp 
Corneillius Corsen 
Joshua Mersereau 
Abraham Cole 

Barent Marti ing 
Those marked thus (*) are of 
of the Quorum. 

Nicholas Larzelere Sheriff" 
John Hillyer Coroner 
Daniel Corsen Clarke 

Military Oncers. 
Jacob Corsen Colonel 
Christian Corsen Lieut. Col 
Thomas Billopp Major 

For the JVorth Division 
John Veghte Captain 
Frederick Berge Lieut' 
Jacob Corsen Jn"" Ensign 

For the S'^th Division. 
Corneillius Stoutliotf Cap' 
Jacob Berge Lieutenant 
Aris Ryertse Ensign 

For the West Division. 
Nathaniel Britten Cap' 
Mattliias Johnson Lieut* 
Abraham Maney Ensign 

For the Troop. 
Peter Perrin Captain 
Gerrett Crosse Lieut 
Wynant Wynants Cornet 
Daniel Wynants Quarter Master 




14. The Six Nations of Indians including the River & Schaachkook Indians are about 1 500 fighting 
men of which number | part Incline to French Interest. Being partly overaw'd by fear, The French 
have their interpreter continually among the Sinnekes who has a great Influence over them & they 
often send messengers with presents to the Six Nations. 

15. The Indians living near about Montreal k Quebeck are about 1000 fighting men besides a 
Vast number of other Foreign nations amongst whom tlie French have Sixteen Fortifications and 
Settlements : 

16. The French Europeans settled on the River S'. Lawrence in Canada consisting of the three 


Goverments of Quebeck, Montreal and the three Rivers are about Ten thousand Fighting men 
Including Thirty Two Companys of Regular Forces. 

Spaniards none. 

17. The Metropolis of New France is Quebeck a well Fortified Town being inclosed in a very 
strong wall & has a Strong Fort scituated on a Rock, being the sea Port on the North side of 
River S'. Lawrence. About Sixty Leagues S" West thereof is Montreal on the same side of the 
River which is regularry foi-tify'd k Surrounded with a strong stone wall, having Batteries within 
& a Large Trench round the North, East & West Sides thereof & to the South is the River. 

About Seven Leagues South from Montreal is a village called Chambley scituated on a River 
running out of Corlaers Lake which is by the French called Champlain, & emptys it self into the 
River S*. Lawrence at Soreil there is a good Strong Stone Fort at the side of the River at the upper 
end of a Bason. 

The French liave also a very Strong Fort to the west of Crown point, at the side & South east end 
of Corlaer's Lake beforementioned called by the French La pointe au la Chevleures, about Seventy 
miles to the Northward of our farthest Settlements, built in tlie year 1736, for a retreat when the 
Frencli at any time should come to disturb or Annoy our Frontiers, either in our Province or 
New England. This Fort is scituated on a Rock having a very Strong Cittadel Arch'd with 
Stone three Storys high, tlie wall thereof is about Seven feet thick, it commands the Entrance into 
the Lake beforementioned from the Southward & has four Regular Bastions, to the Southward is a 
Large plain. Tliey Likewise by that means Extend their Limitts, having encroached upon Land 
belonging to liis Majesty. 

They have also a Strong Fort at Cadaruchque at the Nortli East End of the Lake Ontario 
which emptys it self in tlie River S'. Lawrence, made there not only in order to entice the Six 
Nations of Indians to their Interest & to have an awe over tliem, but also for a retreat to the French 
wlien at any time they should attack or Annoy the Six Nations & likewise to prevent the said Six 
Nations from going to Canada in time of War. 

They have also a strong Fortification at Niagara which is at the South west end of Cadaruchque 
Lake, below tlie falls of that name about three Leagues, wliere there is a Carrying place, it borders 
near the Six Nations which in a great Measure commands the Indian Trade from the Westward & 
overawe the Sinnekes. 

They have severall Settlements & Forts as above observed of Less note among the Upper Nations 
of Indians on the chief passages as the Indians come from their hunting in order to Intercep 
Furr Trade & to keep an awe & command over them. 

Albany 4»i> Febry 1737 | 8 










*,* Previous to the year 1743 there was no limit prescribed by Statute to the continuance in office of Members of Assembly 
in the Province of New York. It was held to belong to the Royal Prerogative to dissolve the Legislature and to order a 
new election. The consequence was, that the existence of the Assembly, generally depended on its subserviency to the local 
Governor and a new appeal to the People was made, for the most part, only when the popular branch quarrelled with the 
Executive. Sometimes only a few months intervened between general elections; sometimes a year, but usually a general 
election came about biennially, until the administration of Gov. Hunter, when the Assembly elected in 1716 continued its 
functions until 1726 — a period of ten years and two months. The elections for representatives after this happened, from divers 
disturbing causes, to be annual until Gov. Cosby's administration, vphen the Assemby again assumed a protracted existence 
of nine years, vizt: from 1728 to 1737. The leaders in the popular branch seeing this tendency to abuse, by the removal of 
the representatives from all responsibility to their constituents, determined to remedy the evil, and passed a bill in the session 
of 1734, declaring that no Assembly should continue more than Three Years. The Council, however, did not act upon it, 
and when the Legislature again met in October of the same year, the Assembly sent to enquire what had been done with their 
Bill of the spring. It was, thereupon, taken up and amended by the Council, but as the Assembly refused to concur in these 
amendments, it was lost, for the Council refused to recede from their position. The Assembly, now (Nov. 28), sent an 
address to the Governor requesting that they may be dissolved, to which Cosby replied, that as it was a part of the prero- 
gative to convene and dissolve them at pleasure, he was determined to act in the premises as he thought proper, and not 
as they desired, and in this state of things the session was prorogued. Shortly after the meeting of the Legislature in the 
following year, a petition was presented (Nov. 4, 1735) to the House from the citizens of New York, complaining of the 
long continuance of the same set of representatives, and praying a dissolution. This petition was sent to Gov. Cosby, who 
again refused compliance, and he died, in March, 1736, "almost universally detested," says Smith. In April, 1737, the 
Triennial Bill was again introduced, but it did not reach a third reading, as the House was dissolved, to the great gratification 
of the people, on the 3d May, 1737, after its nine years' existence. One of the first measures introduced in the new House 
(June 16) , was the Bill for the frequent election of Representatives. It was soon passed, together with an address to Lt. Gov. 
Clarke (to be found at length on the Journals), urging on him by strong and unanswerable arguments, the necessity of such 
a reform. His Honor returned a favorable answer, and in compliance, as it were, with his disposition, the Council concurred, 
and the Bill received the Lieutenant Governor's sanction on the 16th Dec. 1737. Before the Assembly adjourned, they 
requested Clarke to use his utmost endeavors to obtain his Majesty's assent to the Bill. It was sent to England early in the 
following year, when the Lieutenant Governor strongly recommended it to the favor of the King's Ministers. Some of the 
arguments in favor of the measure and its ultimate fate, are recorded in the following Documents. Ed. 


Memorandum of some Grounds and Reasons to hope that his Majesty will be graciously 
pleased to grant liis Royal Assent to tlie Act for ftVequent Election of Represen- 
tatives lately passed in tlie General Assembly of the Colony of New York. 

That happy Union that is Established between the King and his People under tlie British Constitu- 
tion, has so closely connected tlieir Mutual Interests, tliat w liatever tends to tlie advancement of the 
peace and prosperity of tlie People, it may be Humbly presumed will be a Good reason why it 
should meet with his Majestyes approbation and Encouragement, but it is Conceived that the 
passing tliat Law, will tend as much to Advance the Interest of his Majestyes Crown, as the welfare 
of His people if it be Considered that tlie Scituation of this Col()ny is in the very Heart of the British 
Dominions in America, that it Contains a passage from the Ocean almost all tlie way by water, to 
the most distant Nations of Indians, which lye Northward of the Bay of Mexico. It is near to 
Canada once the seat of a dangerous Enemy, and now its rival in the ffur trade, whicli is of so 
much Importance to Great Brittaiu that I'ts in tlie neighborhood of a People Extremly Jealous of 
its Interests, and ever watchfull to seize on every Advantage for the Extension of their settlements 
xipon the Lands undoubtedly belonging to the Britisli Crown (witness the late Settlements, of the 
ffrench at Crown Point, and Niagara, and tlieir late attemps to get a ffooting in the Cinekes Country). 
Tiiat a fatal blow will be given to tliis Britisli Interest both in Europe and America, if tliis Country 
should ever fall into the hands of the ffrench, these and many other weiglity considerations, makes 
the welfare & prosperity of tliis Colony, of the last Consequence to the Crown of Great Brittaiu, it is 
generally Acknowledged, that not one Plantation in America has greater Advantages than tliis, with 
respect to the fertility of its Soil, healthfullness of its air and Commodiousness of its Scituation for 
an Inland and foreign Trade and Navigation. Yet under these many Natural advantages, it is a sad 
truth imiversally attested, Tliat it has been for many years visibly Declining in its Husbandry, 
Navigation, Trade, Sliip Building and otlier Manufactures, Advantagious to Great Brittain. It has 
been deserted by great numbers of its Sea men and other Inliabitants, wlio have been obliged to Seek 
their Bread in tlie neighbouring Colonies, while the Lands in the Country and the Houses in tlie 
City, have been seen to sink to near half their fformer Value, and its Navigation Almost wlioly fallen 
into the hands of Strangers, and at the same time, universal Discontent ready to break out into 
publick Tumult and Disorder, and Extream poverty, have overspread the Country and threatened 
its utter ruin. 

This is, or very lately was, the Miserable Estate of this Colony, which rendered the Disolulion of 
tlie last Assembly Necessary both for his Majesty's Honour and tlie Interest of the Country. And 
t^ie present Assembly when chosen, being of Opinion that the present and past Miseries of tliis 
Country, were greatly owing to the want of the frequent election of Asseniblys, they past tlie Law 
in Question, presuming that upon the weighty Reasons upon which it is founded, it would not fail 
of tlie Royal Assent. The Assembly observed, tliat the Great Declension of this Country in all its 
valuable Interests, had hapened during the Continuance of tlie Two last long Assemblies, while at 
the same time no visible Cause could be assigned for it but what it was in the power of a ffree and 
ifrequent Represeatatiou of the People to prevent, Especially wlien at tlie same time, the ueigUbour- 


ing Colonies of the Masachusets Bdy Connecticut and Rhode Island on the one liand, and Pensilvania 
on the other, were Increasing in People, fflourishing in Trade, and abounding with Wealth and Con- 

The Assembly Observed that those Colonies liave the Annual Choice of their Representatives, by 
which General Grievances are eitlier happily Prevented, or always Speedily redressed while by Ex- 
perience they have found, that the long Continuance of Assemblies in this Colony, had an unhappy 
Tendency to Introduce Grievances, and Establish them as an Insupportable Burthen upon the People. 
They observed tliat the long Continuance of power in the same liands, had always grown up into 
an oppressive Domination of a few men, which they found to have been the fruitfull Parent of all 
tliose Evils, under which this Country had Visibly Declined ; and whicli had in some late Instances 
Proved Exceeding Dangerous to the Peace of His Majesty's Government within this Colony. 

These are the Reasons that Induced the Assembly with great Zeal and Unanimity to propose and 
pass that Law, as a most necessary Expedient, to retrieve the Peace and Promote the prosperity 
of this Miserable and Distressed Colony. 

The Just representation of this matter to His Majisty, It's believed cannot fail of procuring 
his assent to this Law, which his People here have so much at heart. Tis not doubted but His 
Majisty will tliink it necessary for His Honor, that His Subjects here, should live as easy and as 
happy under His immediate Government as His Subjects are in tlie Neighbouring Colonies, under 
the Charters Granted by His Royal Predecessors. Tis verily believed, that nothing can liave a 
more happy Tendency to Accomplish this, tlian the passing this law. 

Tis Evident, that the Liberty Ease and Safety of the People in the Neighbouring Colonies, who 
Enjoy the Priviledge of Choosing their Assemblies yearly, is Attended with the most happy 
Consequences; this causes them to multiply Exceedingly, by their Natural Growth, and vast Addi- 
tions from Protestant Countrys abroad, Wliereas this Colony is but thinly Peopled, and more persons 
have Deserted it than have come to it for several years past. Tliose Colonies liave been fflourishing 
in Trade, and Extending it abundantly while it has been miserably declining among us. Twill 
hardly be beheved in England that those Goverments, have so much the Advantage of us, in the 
Value of their Lands, as they have, It being a truth Capable of the fullest proof, that tlie Lands 
in Connecticut, will sell for three times the price of the Lands in New York, tho tlie Lands are 
Contiguous, and there is no Ditference in the Soil, but what proceeds meerly from the Partition line 
that Divides it. This Country has an Advantage for Ship Building, raising of Hemp, making, 
of Iron and other Naval Stores, beyond any of the Plantations in America. Yet it is evident, 
that under the Ease and Safety of the Charter Goverments, Secured Chiefly by their Annual 
Assemblys These Colonies have flourished to a great Degree in those usefull Manufactures, so 
Advantagious to the Trade and Safety of Great Britain, Avhile this Colony has been under such 
Discouragements, as to have done little or nothing in these Manufactures, but has seen the Iron Ore 
carried from hence, to be' w^orked up at about 200 miles Distance in New England, tho with Respect 
to Wood and Water, this Country lias as good or better Conveniences than that the vast Number 
of People Inhabiting tlie New England Colonies, the sudden and prodigious growth of Pensilvania, 
with their Annual Assemblies while the finist Colony lying between them, under the Kings Imme- 
diate Goverment, that has been as long Settled as either of them, is Empty of People poor and 
Starving, is generally believed to be chiefly owing to those Mischiefs, which have arose from the 
want of a frequent Election of Assemblies, and the passing of this Law, will Doubtless Tend to 
the Multiplying of our People, the Extension of our ifrontiers, the promoting of the fur Trade, 
and making this Colony a strong Barrier against the 'fiiench, and Consequently the Bulwark and 
Safety of Biitish luterests in America. It will make tliis Colony of more Service to Great Britain, 


by a larger Consumption of its Commodities, by raising of Hemp and making of Iron, and other 
Naval Stores. It will raise a spirit of Industry among the People, and Extend our Trade, restore 
our Seamen and Navigation, and remove that Discontent, which has always Increased in proportion 
to the Age of Past Assemblies. It wiU raise the Honour of His Majestys immediate Government, 
as it will greatly advance the happiness of His people, that live under it, and will make the Neigh- 
boring Colonies to set a less value upon their Charters. It is a Privilege Enjoyed by the Provinces 
of New Hampshire and South Carolina Barbadoes Antigua and the Leward Islands under His 
Majestyes Immediate Government to have an Annual Election of Assemblies, and North Carolina 
Enjoys a Biennial Assembly, and it may be hoped that his Majesty will not deny to his Loyal Subjects 
in New York, what not only their welfare and prosperity, but also tlie peace and Honour of His 
Goverment, the Interests of His Crown, and the Trade of Great Britain, and the Safety of the 
Neighboiu-ing Colonies seems to render absolutely necessary. 

Memorandum of Some of the Reasons that may be offered for obtaining his 
Majesties Royall Assent to the Act for frequent Election of Represen- 
First, For that its the Universal Opinion of the Inhabitants of this Colony that the Long Con- 
tinuance of Assemblys has been one of the greatest Causes of the present Declining State of this 
Colony, wliich is such that while our Neighbours of Pensilvania on the one hand and of Connecticut, 
Rhode Island and Massachusets Bay and New Hampshire on the other Hand Do yearly greatly 
Encrease in numbers of People and the value of their Lands rise and their Trade flourishes, Yet 
this Colony which has much greater Natural advantages than any of them has for several years past 
decreased in numbers of People, Rents in the City of New York have generally fallen near one 
half, and the Lands of this Colony about one third part of the value which they have heretofore 
been at. Our seamen and Ship Carpenters have almost wholly deserted us, and our Navigation is 
almost got into the Hands of Strangers to this Colony. Long Assemblys are supposed to be one 
of the greatest Causes of this Bad State, by their not finding Remedies to prevent or put a stop to 
this declining State, by their Suffering the People long to Labour under Grievances, without obtaining 
or Endeavouring to obtain relief against them, In some Counties even their very Representatives 
have become themselves their greatest Grievance For while they have Suffered and Abetted a 
Govemour in Tyrannizing over all they have become Deputy Tyrants in their Counties. Tliey 
have often got into their Hands the Sole Recommendation of all Judges, Justices, Officers of the 
Militia, and other Officers in their Counties, those so recommended by them they Supported in 
those Offices tho' often imworthy of them, The hopes of being supported encouraged those officers 
to Despise and Oppress the People And thus a Gradation of Tyrants has been often Establislied 
and Supported and the People left Destitute of Relief against their Daily Insults and Injuries — Which 
with many other things too many to repeat with too much reason has induced many of the Inhab- 
itants to think they had no Liberty at all nor property certain in this Colony, and that they had 
better to remove to the neighbouring Colonies of Either Side where such Tyrannizing was fully 
prevented by a yearly Election of Representatives and where the Liberties and Properties of the 
People are well preserved — And its universally believed that a frequent Election of Representatives 
would have the like effect here, And that the Short duration of Assemblys will not only prevent the 
Representatives themselves from Domineering in their Counties by Laying them under a necessity 
to preserve the Affections of the People in order to preserve their power But will also give the 
People an Opportunity from time to time to Chuse such men as are Sensible of what Grievances 

Vol. IV. 21 


they Labour under and as are Capable to obtain a Redress of them, and of what has Rendered or is 
like to render the Liberties and properties of the People precarious. 

Secondly — The great Natural advantages which this Colony has beyond the neighbouring Colonies 
by its Furr Trade, Excellent Harbours, their nearness to the Sea, its Inland Navigation to & through 
every one of the Counties of this Colony and to and amongst the Indian Nations as far as the Banks 
of St Lawrence River and its Lakes and the fertile soil of this Colony, with the hopes that this Law 
often by the people and Assemblies in vain endeavoured for might at last be obtained, Tho' they 
have not been able to hinder this Colony from greatly Dechning while its Neighbours with much less 
Natural Advantages are growing and flourishing Yet tliey have hitherto in great measure hindered its 
being intirely deserted But should his Majestic deny his Royal Assent to this Law its to be feared 
That great numbers of the Inhabitants would forthwith provide to remove to the Neighbouring 
Colonies where they believe they are more Sure of protection for their Liberties and Properties 
This Colony which is the Barrier against the French for the other Colonies may thereby in time 
be Deserted, The French our Rivals in the flfur Trade will then get it intirely from us into their 
Hands Great Britain will thereby lose the Exportation of Great Quantities of Strouds, Blankets and 
other Woollen Goods which the Indians now take in Exchange for their flfurs, and flfrance will 
acquire the furnishing of them with the Same, And also the manufacturing of the ffur and Skins 
got from the Indians in Exchange, and possibly this Colony may at last become possessed by the 
French as a Derelict (as parts of it on the Banks of S' Lawrence and its Lakes already [are] Crown 
point and Neagara are Examples of this) and the other Colonies will by this means be exposed to 
their Insults & Even to be Conquered by them And unless the Liberties and Properties of the 
People of this Colony are Secured by this Law its Conceived not only impossible for it to grow as 
Other the neighbouring Colonies but even to hinder the Inhabitants from greatly deserting it. 

Thirdly — The neighbouring Colonies of Pensilvania on the one hand and of Connecticut, Rhode 
Island Massachusets Bay k New Hampshire on the other hand have the Priviledge of Annual 
Assemblies secured to them, By means of which any Grievance that Affects the People is their 
quickly removed Their Liberties and properties are by reasonable Laws protected and Enjoyed This 
Encourages their people to Industry and to the Extending their Trade This invites not only the 
people of this Colony to them but also great numbers from all Protestant Countries in Europe 
Whereas in this Colony for want of a speedy redress of Grievances and the Security of the 
Liberties and Properties of the People foreigners are discouraged to Come and Settle with us, and 
Discontents Do Sometimes arise amongst us to a very great Heigh th, Insomuch that Insurrections 
have been often not without reason feared The precariousness of the Liberties and Properties of the 
People Curbs their Industry This Colony abounds with Iron Oar and with streams of Water and 
timber fitt for melting it and bringing it into Barrs, which are intirely neglected while our neigh- 
bours with less Convenience have got to a great heighth in that manufacture This Colony has 
plenty of Lands fitt for Hemp which lies neglected while our neighbours have much improved in it 
That precariousness Cramps the minds of the People from thinking to Launch out into trade 
which has given other Colonies the opportunity to become almost our Sole Carriers, and should we 
Decrease in our Shipping as for some years past, they will soon be entirely so — 

Fourthly, — If his Majestie will be graciously pleased to give his Assent to this Act its hoped and 
believed, that by means of it no great Grievance will remain long unredressed. That reasonable Laws 
will from time to time be made to secure the Liberties and Properties of the People. This will 
its hoped, soon invite Back our people that have deserted us — This will induce our neighbors to believe 
they can be as safe in their Liberties and properties and that they can live as happily under his 
Majesties immediate Government as under any of their Charter Governments, And when they are 


80 Convinced Its not Doubted but that the Natural Advantages which this has Beyond those Colo- 
nies will soon invite many of them to settle here and Encourage otlier Foreign Protestants to follow 
their example, By which our Indian Trade and the Settlement of this Colony may soon be greatly 
extended; Its probable the want of bringing this Colony into those Circumstances that has obstructed 
its being settled quite to and along the Banks of S' Lawrence & its Lakes, and which has given 
the Opportunity to the French to make Sundry Settlements there which tliis Colony might have 
done, so tliat this Colony has but one single Settlement upon the Lakes of S' Lawrence, to witt, 
Oswego & no Settlement within one hundred & fifty miles tliereof to support it. 

But its hoped that this may still be in great measure retrieved if this Colony be brought into the 
Circumstances aforesaid For this Colony by its safe and short navigation to Brittain and its safe, 
short and speedy Inland Navigation to the Indian Nations and Lakes of S' Lawrence may be Ena- 
bled far to undersel the French amongst the Indians, and thereby Can in time cut them out of all 
that Trade, which now they will probably cut us out of, if this act should be Damned. 

Fifthly — Should it be objected by Enemies to the being of this Colony, That tlio' our Neigh- 
boring Colonies of both Sides have Annual Elections, yet they are Charter Governments and why 
should the Kings Government follow their Example. Answer, Its Derogatory to his Maj [sties 
goodness and Honour to suppose that he would Deny any thing to the Colonies under his immediate 
Government that will tend to their weU being and prosperity which this Act plainly will, and 
Does in those Colonies which Enjoy the Benefit of it. On the Contrary it would Greatly tend to 
his Majesties Honour and Interest that the Colonies under his Immediate Government had their 
Liberties and Properties Even better Secured by Good Laws than in tlaose Charter Governments. 
The Certain Consequence whereof would be That such Colonies under his Majisties immediate 
Government would flourish more than the Charter Colonies now do. That would tend to make 
those Colonies indifferent as to their Charters and in time to give them up and to Chuse his 
Majesties immediate Government in the place thereof. Whereas while this Colony remains in its 
past uncertain State as to the Liberties and Properties of the People, Those neighboring Colonies 
get our people from us, and are taught by our Sufferings highly to value their Charters and to pity 
our Misfortunes. 

Sixthly — Its not Charter Governments only that have the priviledge of frequent Election of 
Representatives for their General Assembly, — ^For we are well assured that South Carolina and North 
Carolina have likewise that priviledge the first an Annual Election and the last a biennial. But as 
to them it may be said, they had those Priviledges while they were Charter Governments, But as to 
that we are informed that Barbadoes-Antigua & the other Leward Islands never were Charter Gov- 
ernments and yet they have the Priviledge of an Annual Election Whether any and which of the 
other Colonies have such priviledges we are unacquainted. But whither they have or not we Con- 
ceive is very Little to the Question, which we think is, 

Whether as this Colony is Scituated betwixt Colonies on both Sides which have it. And as this 
Colony has greatly Suffered and now suffers thro' the want of it. It be possible for this Colony to 
preserve its inhabitants and to prosper, and to keep on a footing witli the neighbouring Colonies 
without that priviledge which they enjoy so much tending to their happyness, advantage and 

And whether the Declining State of this Colony thro' the want of that Law does not tend to the 
Loss of the Indian Trade, to the Dispeopling of this Colony, to the Possessing of it by the French, 
and to the Loss of all the other Colonies in Consequence of it. 



Augt lot'' 1738. 
To the kings most Excellent Majesty- 
May it please your Majesty 

We have had under our consideration an act passed in your Majestys Province of New York in 
December 1737 intitled " An Act for the frequent elections of Representatives to serve in Gen' 
Assembly and for the frequent calling and meeting of the General Assembly so Elected." 

We have likewise had the opinion of M'" Fane one of your Majesty's Council at Law, and are 
of opinion with him that it is an Infringment of Your Majesty's Prerogative by taking away the 
undoubted Right wliich the Crown has always exercised by calling and continuing the assembly of 
this Colony at such times and as long as it was thought necessary for the publick service, and as no 
reason has appeared to us to require such an Innovation, we humbly lay the same before Your Majesty 
for your Royal Disapprobation, 

Which is most humbly submitted R. Plumer 

M. Bladen 


Whitehall ) Ja. Brudenell. 

August lO'h 1738 


[Council Min. XVII.] 

At the Court of St. James's the 30* Nov'' 1738. 
The Kings most Excellent Majesty. 

Arch Bishop of Canterbury Earl of Abercorne. 

Lord Chancellor. Earl of Selkirk 

Lord President. Lord Harvey. 

Duke of Montagu. Lord Harrington 

Earl of Pembrooke. M' Speaker 

Earl of Graintham. S'' Paul Methuen. 

Earl of Cholmondley Horatio Walpole Esq''. 

Whereas by Commission under the Great Seal of Great Britain, the Governour Council ana 
Assembly of His Majesty's Province of New- York, are Authorized and Impowered to make. Consti- 
tute and Ordain Laws, Statutes and Ordinances, for the Publick Peace, Welfare and Good Gov- 
ernment of the said Province ; which Laws, Statutes and Ordinances are to be, as near as con- 
veniently may be, agreeable to the Laws and Statutes of this Kingdom, and to be transmitted for His 
Majesty's Royal Approbation or Disallowance ; And Whereas in Pursuance of the said Powers, Ad 
Act was past in the said Province in Dec. 1737. Entitled 

" An Act for the frequent Election of Representatives to serve in Generax 
" Assembly and for the frequent calling and meeting of the General 
" Assembly so Elected." 
Which act together with a Representation from the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plan- 


tations proposing the Repeal thereof, having been referred to the Consideration of a Committee of the 
Lords of His Majesty's most Hon^ie Privy Council for Plantation Alfairs, The said Lords of the 
Committee did this day Report to His Majesty as their opinion, that the said Act ought to be 
repealed : — His Majesty taking the same into his Royal Consideration, was pleased, with the advice 
of his Privy Council, to Declare his Disallowance of the said Act, and pursuant to His Majesty's 
Royal Pleasure thereupon Exprest, the said act is hereby repealed. Declared void, and of none 
effect : Whereof the Governor or Commander in Chief of His Majesty's Province of New York for 
the time being, and all others whom it may concern^ are to take Notice and Govern themselves 
accordingly. Ja : Vernon. 

Note.— A Law, commonly called the Septemiial act, was passed in 1743, by which the co«»tinuance of the Provincial 
Assembly was limited to seven years. This Act remained in force down to the Revolution — Ev 

.: -^ 4^Ui4^^i-^^' 





1755, 1756. 

■J,„„„r/ ■fU,,/,jr/M,, 





Set forward in a Battoe from the Encampment, the H'h Sep' — at about 25 miles distance down 
the Lake, lauded about day light, took the Battoe out & hid it, left two Men of Connecticut Forces 
there to watch the Battoe, & Provisions till our return — Saw, that morning, Sundry Indian Canoes 
passing in tlie Lower part of tlie Lake. Went forward towards Crown Point. 

The 17''' day, at evening discovered the wheat fields, & four houses, about 2 miles Southerly from 
Crown Point Fort. In the niglit went to the Intrencliraent, made from tlie Fort, Encompassing a 
little Hill, the Trenches not finished, but reaches about thirty rods from the Fort. Which Intrench- 
ment begins at the Southwest Corner of the Fort, & Trends Southwesterly, about two rods wide 
at the Fort, & widens to about 15, at the other End — went into tlie Trench, & spent the night, for 
discovery in & about there till morning, & then retired to a Mountain, about a Mile West from the 
Fort, where there was a Clear view of all the Fort and appurtenances — and saw an addition to the 
F(»rt, from the Northwest Corner, about 25 rods, which reached to the Water side. Inclosing some 
Buildings — many Tents set up in it. 

A Windmill about Sixty rods South of the Fort, in wliich Space many Tents were up — had a 
Clear discovery of the Fort, &. appurtenances. The Soldiery were Mustered, & Exercised — the 
whole of French, & Indians we Judged were near upon Five or Six hundred. 

Their People, some few were at work at the Intrenchmen'* seemed unconcerned — hunting 
Pidgeons &c. all round in the Wood. Some of which came within about fifteen rods of the Scout — 
We came off the Hill at night. 

IQ'h. Set homeward, travelled to the Lake, about Six Miles from Tionduroque. 

20"». Set up the Lake, to where we left the Battoe, found that, & the two Men (we left) were gone, 
and we set homeward. The 23'' late at night arrived at the great Camp. 

The land is Rough, and Mountainous from the Lower end of tlie Lake, to Crown Point. The 
distance about 20 miles. And we apprehend impracticable to git a leasable Road there — Which is 
the General Account of the discovereys we have made. And is humbly submitted by 

Yoiu' Honours Most Dutiful), and 

Obedient Servant 

Robert Rodgers. 
24*'' Sep"^ 1755. 

To the Honi'J® Joseph Blanchard Esq. Col° of the New Hampshire Regim' In the Expe-dition against 
Crown Point. 
May it please your Honour 

The foregoing is a Report of Cap' Robert Rodgers, under your direction, sent with a party to 
Crown Point, to Reconoitre that Post. Which is humbly offered by Your 

Most humble Servant 

Lake George 24'*> Sept' 1755. Joseph Blanchard. 

To the Hon*>'* General Johnson. 
Vox.. If. 22 





Sept 27t]i. P. M. Set forward, in a Birch Canoe. Past that night Sundry Indian Fires (their 
Spyes) by the sides of the Lake. Put ashore about 7 miles from the Carrying place, left three with 
the Canoe — two went forward. 

Early on the 28i'' about ten in the morning came in view of an Encampment at the lower end 
of the Lake, at the Carrying place, of about one thousand French and Indians — We Crawled thro' 
their Guards to within about thirty or forty rods of the Encampment. 

There was no Fort nor Artillery there. We retired & went about one Mile & a half further, & 
discovered tlieir Grand Encampment — Crept thro' their Guards to within about Sixty rods, found a 
Fort building there — dlscover'd a Number of Cannon Mounted — we had a Convenient Situation for 
a View, which we kept till toward night & by the appearance of the Tents & Troops, French 
& Indians we Judged likely to be about three thousand. 

Their Situation Comands the passage at the Carrj ing place, & (we tho't) the passage down 
Champlain from Wood Creek to Crown Point. 

Next day, the 29^'', returned to our Canoes & found a Large Indian Canoe had passed up the 
Lake with one Frenchman, & Nine Indians, wlio on their return we waylayed on a point of the 
Lake — they came in reach of our small arms, at whom we fired about Forty Guns. Disenabled or 
killed six of tliem, & Chased the remaining four, but at their Schrieks three Indian Canoes came 
to their relief whicli Prevented our bringing them in. 

Returned to our Camps tliat night. Wliich is tlie General information we are able to give, & is 
humbly submitted by 

Your Honours most Obedient Humble Servant 
Sept 29«'> 1755. Eobkrt Rodgers. 

To the Honi^'^ Joseph Blanchard Esq. Col" of the New Hampshire Regt In the Expedition against 
Crown Point. 
May it please your Honour 

The foregoing is a report of Cap* Robert Rodgers, under your Direction, sent with a party to 
Toronduroque to Reconoitre that post, which is humbly offered by 

Your most humble servant 
Lake George 29*'' Sept 1755. Joseph Blanchard. 

To the Hon^ie General Johnson. 


Haid Quarters Camp Lake George October. 
A Return of the persedings of the Detaichment of men ordered on the Scout under the Comand 
of Pliilip Lord on Sunday the 4"' of October we marched about Teen miles to the Eastward of this 
iiicampment and so sent oute parties of 4 and 5 men to the South Easte and North Easte and so 
Conteneued Beginhig as sun as it was Day Light for the Spase of 3 Days and Returned with oute 
making aney Discouerey of the Inemy. 

p J { Commander of 

T.» Hon«i''« Gener'i Jonson. *^'""^ *'®^° { the Dstachm'. 




October the 7«« 1755. 
In the Evening Embarkt by order from the Camp at Lake George with a partey of aboute 50 
men To make Descouery of the french at Atianderogoe & wee went by three or four fires & in six- 
teen miles sailing I mist one Batoe it being Dark Could Not find it went on with the Rest of the 
Command And aboute brake Day landed ourBatoes on y* East side of y Lake Georg witliin Twelve 
miles of the Caring Place at ateuderrogo lay their that Day Made No Discouery the Eiglith Day at 
Evening Landed our Batoes and Boare towards Tianderrogoe & Descouerd a fire on an Island put to 
land & sent of a burtch Canuoe to see whate was their They that was on ye Island Descouerd ye Can- 
noe & Put oute their fires & as we supposed went of In their Cannoe then went Down with y^ 
Party witliin aboute 7 miles of the Cereing place & landed on a point on ye west side of y^ lacke 
George and Drewe up y« Batoes and secuered them y** 9"i at morning sent off Cap* Putnam with one 
man and Cap* Hunt with 3 men more In order to goe to y^ Carring Place and Tianderogoe and 
make Discouerys their & Returne to the Partey at Evening Cap' Hunt Come back with Two men 
at Night sent of Ens" Putnam with three men and ordered them to make what Discouery they 
Could with the Borch Conew and to goe to the Cerein_g Place Tarry their all Night and in y« 
morning as soon as it was light to Come back To their Command That Night Discouer'' Several 
fires on y^ shoar of ye lake lO'^ Day Sun half an hour highe In y« morning our burch Canoe Come 
in keept oute Small Scouts by land and Good Guards for fear of the Enemy Coming on our 
Backs ye Sun aboute 2 hours high tlien came up 3 burtch Canoes Came by y* East Shore Came 
withiu 70 Rods of y® Point where wee were weel ambushed for them they lay on their oars for y« 
Best Part of an oure 23 in Number then sent oute our burtch Canoe to Decoye them up by the 
Point our Cannoe went Pariled with them Avithin 30 Rods then turnd and Padeled Back up by ye 
Point But they Did not folow them but turnd Down y* Lake half a mile and boar ouer to the west, 
shore & their landed their Cannoes our Centry and small Scouts Come in and said they Discourd 
Indians and heard them talk Cap' Putnam Instantly Came back with y* account ye Indians were 
on our Backs wee found their Partey to stronge for us to Encounter with launch^ our Batoes and 
sat homewards 15 miles and lodged on an Island y* IV^ Day we arived at lake georg the Incamp- 
ment where wee tooke our Departure from 

Sir Tliis is the Most Correct account of my agurnale on my Command till my Returne to this 
Place this with all the Reporte of my Spies I sent oute 


To the Honarble William Johnson Esq^ Commander in Chiefe 
at Lake George Which is presented from 

y«" Honnours Most obdiont and Humble Servant 

(Endorsed) A Journal of Cap' Rodgers' Proceedings with a 
Command on Lake Georg 

delivd the 12 October 1755. 




Ocf 9"i 1755. Then lift Cap' Rogers upon a neck of Land upon the west side of Lake George 
and Set out towards tycondorogue to see what Discoveries we Could make and after we had march^ 
about 7 or 8 miles we came upon a Large Mountain near the Heither end of the narrows, and 
when we came tliere we Could make no DiscoTery at all but after sometime wee espyed three Barke 
Cannoes Drew upon the Shore upon a point of Land that Ean into the Lake, and then wee espyed 
two Indians Comeing out of the Bushes toward the Cannoes, after water, and after sometime we 
espyed several frencli and Indians on the East side of the Lake and soon after that we heard the noise 
of Cutting, hewing, adsing, and sawing, as tho there was a Large Company of men at work, and by 
tlieir talking and Laughing their was amongst them, and then we Espyed about thirty Indians 
Came out of the Bushes on the Avest side of the Lake on the point within a large musket shot of 
us, and played a spell on the Beach, and then Returned into the Bush, and from the point East- 
ward, their was almost a Continual fireingand barking of Doggs and talking so we tho* it was not 
safe to proceed to Tycondarogue and so Concluded to tarry there all knight and see what further 
Discoveries wee Could make by the fires in the knight, and just at the Dusk of the evening their 
Came four Cannoes from the East and went to the west side of the Lake and landed on the point 
where the others were incamped, and Drew up their Cannoes on y* Shore and by this time wee 
began to Discover the fires on the point and on the East side of the Lake, but Could not Discover 
what number their was, because the Bushes were so thick by the Lake but as near as we Could 
best Judge we tho* there was six or seven hundred by the fires and Guards set on both sides the 
Lake and about Day Brake, they mustered their men to work and then wee Left the mountain and 
Returned to Cap* Rogers on the point and when we Came within sixty or seventy Rods of the point 
we Espyed thirteen Indians pass by within ten Rods of us, towards the point where we left Cap*. 
Rogers, and after they had passed by us, we Came to the point where we left Cap* Rogers, and found 
all well this is the Chef of the Discovery and best acovnt that I am able to give 

Israel Putnam. 
To Cap* Rodgers 

The Report of Captain Putnen 

(Endorsed) Cap' Pitmans Report who was sent by Cap* 

Rodgers as a Spy to Tiondorogo 

deliv«i 12 Oct^ 


Laike gorge October the 9^^ 1755. 
Left Cap* Rodgers by His orders to go to tiandrogo and the Careing place and macke Discovers 
then and had two men with me and Cap* putnom went with me with one man moore and we traveld 
Down the Laike gorge within two miles of the Narros or Careing place and se where the friench 
were at work one the Eas Side of tlie Lake gorge and one the west side there was an Eincampment 
of Abovt one Hundred Indiens A gainst the friench Eincampments and the whole that wase one 
both sids of the Laike we Jvded to be about 7 or 8 Houdred meo Heard the shoot sevrel Gous and 


see severe! Botos Drawed up By ther Eincampments Left Cap' pvtnum and one man to gee to 
tiandrogo and Retvrned to Aqvaint ovr Comand of what Discoverey we Had made Come to them 
Abovt Svn Downe tiis Is the Clief that I can say Consernin the Discovereys that I made who is Sii 
yovr Hvmbl Servent Samll Hunt. 

To Cap' Rodgers 
(Endorsed) Report of Capt Hunt sent as a spy to 

Tionderogo by Cap* Rodgers. deliv^ 12 Octo"". 1755. 


October the 9ti> 1755. 
I left Capten Rodgers by His ordi" to geo in the Borch Conow to make Discovereys of the fre at 
the Careying place or wliair they freiench Incampments was and took three men with me wen 
abovt 5 or 6 miles downe the Laike and discovred severel fiers one the wes side of the Laike one 
a point and went within twenty Rods of the fers and see tlie men by the fiers and tliee Espeyed our 
Conoo and made Ratling Atho thee ware pvting ovt after us we mad ove to the East sliore and 
Lay one ovr ors for some time Expecting the Enemy bvt None followed then went Downe by 
there fiers abovt one Quarter of A mile and see a Lardge in Campment on the East Side of Abovt 
A thovsand men as we Jvdged they spred one tlie Laike for Half A mile and we Come back 
twoards ovr Comand one mile and went into A Coue and Lay till Brak of Day and went Downe 
witliin Half A mile of tlie fiers and them friesh and then returned to ovr Comand whear we found 
all well tills is the chefe tliat I can say Consarning ovr Discovery. 

Laike Gorge to Capten Rodgers. Timothy Pvtnvm. 


Lake Gorge October the 10 1755, 
I marched from this place with fifty men and marched a Bout fiue or six mils to the South East 
and in Camped and sent out Scouts toward the South Bay and toward wood Crik and we mad No 
descouery of any Eanmy and Retorned Home this Day October the 13. John Taplin. 

Lake George Octo' 13, 1755. 
A Report of the Scout of the West Side of the Lake — Went out the lO'h Instant with 50 men 
reconnoitred the Woods about 10 or 12 miles from the Camp, discovered no Enemy, returned to 
the Camp the 13"». P'' Henry Babcock Cap* of the Scout. 


Sir We are now Incamped about three miles from you imedeately on our coming here we sent 
out two Scouts, both came in and did not discover any thing towards Evening I posted Century 
out one of w^ was shot and scalp<i a hatched was left in his head, Shall be glad to receive your farther 
orders some of my men seem frightened and fear some will run off to night as they seem much 
frightened I am Sir your most humble servant William Syms. 

I shall stay in this Place till I receive your farther orders. 

I believe some fresh hands would be necessary. 
To Greuefal John^n at Lake George. 



Camp at Lake George 14 Ocf 1755. 
A Report of the Scout under my Command being in Number 1 Sergint and 12 Men — Agreeable 
to orders Came op first with the party Commanded by Lut : Van Schaick who was on the return 
back to tliis Camp and asked the Reason why they returned so soon or why they had not proceded 
as an accident had iiappened to one of their men he sayd he was sick and unfit to proced on wliich 
I left him and Came up with the party Commanded by Capt" Syms, who was waiting for orders on 
which I then gave him the orders I Received from gen" Johnson Aid De Camp to Marcli forward 
upon which all Excepting all to Refused to proced and then I asked my party to go and take 
their Blanketts and provisions which they Denied Except with their own Officers and I then Called 
and said all you that are Cowards Come and He take y»' names Down and they Come so tliick that I 
Could see But 10 or 12 Left of the whole party & they mostly Consisting of New Yorkers and then 
I asked the Commander what he woud do or whether he understood me that he was to go forword 
he said he believed he would Come back and so we returned to this Camp. 

Jelles Fonda. 


Monday ye 13'h Instant Set out from y* Camps about 2, o'the Clock in ye afternoon upon Com*' 
with Fifty men under my Command Travild about three miles upon ye West of ye Lake and sent 
out 3 Scouts according to orders ; and Encampti 2 of which Performed their orders and return'd 
without any Discovery, But thro' mistake the officer tliat was ordered for to send ye North Scout, 
sett only a Centery, who was Placed near 45 Rods from ye Encamp' and about half an Hour after 
sunset he was fired upon as near as We could Judge by a Scout from ye Enemy Consisting of four 
or five Indians, upon which I ordered all to arms and to proceed witli all speed to ye Place where 
ye fire was and when I got there to my astonishm' I had but about 15 men with me, I Looked Back 
and they Cried out for Gods sake call us all togeather or we shall be cut off", upon whicli I order'd 
them to spread and march in a half moon in order to Discover ye Ennemy or ye occation of ye 
Fire and without Further Discovery But ye Loss of all Except about six or seven Living men which 
was with me and my Lieuten' Then Returned and upon our Return found ye Centery kill'd & sculp'd 
Took him Down to ye Camp and there found ye Rest of my men In Great Distress Tying up their 
Packs ; upon which I Doubled ye Guards and ordered all to stand their Ground upon their Perril 
where I witli Difficulty kept them Till Furthf orders from your Hon'' upon ye Receipt of which I 
could Prevail upon but 13 men to Proceed Further and theref )re Judged Best and most advisa- 
ble to returne and Report ye Occation of my not Proceeding ye Scout out as I have Particularly 
Informed your Hour Worthy S' I now stand ready upon all orders to Pursue your Comm''* to a 
Tittle upon my Part, Provided I can have such materials as are fit for ye Purpose, and When 
Ever I fail Lett me be stigmatized I Remain Your Hon" Most Dutiful and Ob* Hum^'e Serv* 

Camp at Lake George W" Svmes. 

Octob' 22d 1755. 

To the Honnorble Will™ Johnson Esq 

Leut' Geu'J of ye Army at Lake George, 



On the fourteenth Day of October 1755 I Embarked in a Burch Canoe at the Camps on the 
South End of Lake George with Four Men beside my self & sailed twenty five miles & Landed on 
the west side of the Lake then Traveled by Land and on the Eighteenth Day I arived on the Moun- 
tain on the West side of Crown point there I lay that Night and all the next Day and observed the 
Enerays motions there & about Crown point and observed Ambuseers Built upon the Mount about 
Thirty Rods To the Southwest of Crown point fort in tlie Evening went Down To the Houses that 
was built upon the lake to the South of Crown point & went Into a barn that was well filld with 
wheat & left tliree men & proceeded with one man To make furtlier Discoverys at tlie fort and 
found a good place To ambush within Sixty Rods of the fort & Imediatly went back & took our part- 
ners & ambuslid at the proper place we had found & there we lay Till about Ten of the Clock & 
observed several Canoes passing up & Down the Lake & sundry men that Avent out To work about 
their Secular affairs & Judged the whole that was in the fort to be about five Hundred at length a 
french man Came out of the fort Towards us witliout his Gun & Came within fifteen Rods of where 
we lay then I with another man Run up to him In order to Captivate him — But he Refused To Take 
Quarter so we kill,d him and Took of his Scalp in plain sight of the fort then Run and in plain 
veiw about Twenty Rods & made our Escape the same Niglit we Came Right West of Tianarago 
about three Miles and upon a Mountain in plain sight of their fort & see large Incampnienfs Round 
it & heard a vast number of smal arms fired Judged there To be Two Thousand men at Tianarago 
& on the Twenty first Day Got To Our Canoes about Eiglit of the Clock in the Morning k found 
all safe & about Nine of the Clock in the Evening Arived all well at our Encampments where 
we set out. 

The above account is the Cheif Discovery that we made at Crown point & Tioanaragoe. 
To the Honourable William Johnson Esq'' Commander in Cheif of "j Robert Rodgers 

the Forces at Lake George this presented By Your Honours ^ Jonathan Butterfield 

Most Humble Serv' J Israel Putnam 

(Endorsed) Cap' Rodgers & C°« Ace* of Scout 

to Crown Point rec'd 22 Octo'' 1755 


Octob"" 24"» 1755 after a tedias march over hills and holes we Indeavoured to Disscover y* french 
on this side of y« Carrying Place but Could not hear any of y* Choping or Shooting or Druming we 
went Down To y* Lake but Could not Disscover them Then we Proceeded farther To Tiondaroga 
where we had a fare View of y* french a little before son set They ware at work Clearing of Land 
and Choping of Timber they have Cleared a Pint of Land that Looks East a Cross the Water that 
Runs from Lake George and y« South Bay which is To appearance but little more than Quarter of a 
Mile a Cross they have built no fort as I could Disscerne neither have tliey any Great Guns tliat I 
could see we Lay all night within about a mile of them saw them Light up y« fires and Beat y* 
Drums there appears to be about 150 Tents some small Boarded Housen there may [be] about 100 
BXttu as near as I Can Gess we P96igad t* yi«w y" y^ a«xt mtrniug but was Pr«v«ut»d by y* sd*w 


filling ye are we then Proceeded Back on ye 25'" to Disscover ye french on this side ye Carring Place 
if Possable we went to the Lake but not near yn- but Dissern ye Buildings but could not Disscover 
ye strength nor numbers but saw that it was on ye ^est side of ye Lake at a verey Narrow Place 
ye next morning we Determin*! to make farther Disscoverey but was Prevented by a thick fogg our 
Provision being spent Could tarrey no Longer God knows wheather Ever we Get home if we Do I 
would Humbly Present these fow Lines to Gen^ Wm. Johnson. 
Reed 28'h Oct. 1755. 


26 of October 1755 in obedience to my orders T marched with 50 men 5 or 6 miles North Est 
from this Camp made no Discouery of Any Enemy and Set out Sentreys and in camped. 

27 Day Sent out a Scout of 4 men About Day Brake and Sundery more Scouts after them the 
furst Scout Did not Return whilst 2 of tlie clock in the afternoon and tliay said that thay Des- 
coured A path whare thay thought the Enemy had pest gon A Long towards wood Crick. 

28 Jest as the Day Brock I went out with 4 men and trauiled 2 or 3 miles North Est and Came to 
a Camp wliich Looked varey New and Judged to be made by the Enemey and we went in and thare 
fier was not all out But we Judged that they had begon 2 ouers or more and they trauiled Right 
North and maid A Larg Road then I Returned to our Camp and sent out a Scout of 10 men which 
folowred that Road 3 miels and then thay Could Not folow No father for the Enemey Scatrad so that 
thay could not tel which way they went and then thay Returned to the Camp our other Scouts 
mad no Descovery. 

29 Day Send out Sundery Scouts which mad No Discovery of Any Enemey and then we all 
marched for this Camp and on our Return made no Descovery of any Enemey Nor No New sins. 

James Reed Cap* 



May it Please your Honour 

Pursuant to your Orders of ye 29th of October Last I set off with ye Party to me ordered 
and Went Down ye Lake and ye 31st made a Discovy of a nomber of fires By night Scituated 
on a Point of Land on ye West Side of ye Lake, upon Which we Landed and Secured our 
Battoes upon ye Same Side of ye Lake about a mile & half Distance from their Encampment, Next 
morning Sent out Spies for further Discovery, in ye Evening Cap' Fletcher one of ye Spies return'd 
Leaving 2 of y^ Spies tliere, and made Report ) * there was four Tents and Sundry Small fires on S«l 
Point, and upon y^ after Consultation it was Concluded advisable to acquaint your Honour of our 
Discovery and Reinforce us if you thought advisable in order to Proceed further and Make a Push 
upon our Enemy, accordingly Cap* Fletcher was Dispatch*! to you with Six men in ye Battoe and 
Six being return'd as Invaleeds Leving me with nineteen men only, but being un Easie with the 
Report, I took a Battoe with 5 men and w-ent Down within 25 Rods of their Fires Discovered 
a Small Fort with Several Small Log Camps within y* Forf which I Judged to Contain about \ of an 
acr« Said Fort being open towards ye Water The rest Picketted. Made no furtlier Discovery 



there and Returnd to My Party, found all well except Cap* Putnam and ye Spie with him, who 
was not returned, The next Morning about 10 o the Clock Cap* Putnam return'd and y« Spie with 
him who Gave much the Same ace* as above Saving y* y« Enemies Centrys was sett 20 Rods from y^ 
Fires and for a more Crittical examination of y' Enemies Proceedings he went forward till he 
Came so nigh y* he was fired upon by one of y^ Centeries witliin a Rod of him, But unfortunately 
upon Preparing to Fire upon him fell into a Clay Pit and wett his Gun made y-' Best retreat he was 
able, hearing y« Enemy Close to their Heels, yy made a Tack & Luckely escapJ Safe to our Party, 
Soon after there was a Discovery made of two Frenchmen upon a Hill a Small Distance, who Called 
to us, said Hill overlooked our ambush, in a few minutes they retreated, and Two Canoes appeared 
and went by us & Lay in y^ middle of y^ Lake about 40 Rods Distance from Each other. Finding 
by yt Beliaviour, there was a Party Coming by Land y* we must inevitably be between 2 Fires. 

Upon Which I ordered Two Battoes into y<^ Water Leu' Grant with 6 men, and I went into ye 
other with 6 more & Put on Board Each a Wall peice and Went out towards y® Canoes, who seemed 
to Ly upon their Paddles as tho' they had a Design to Decoy us into some mischief by their Party 
y* was Designed to Surround our People on Shore, and then attack us by keeping us between y"' 
an their Land party finds tliere Designe attacked tliem first put y" to y^ Rout and surprised so y* 
they made to y« shore Wliere Cap' Putnam with ye rest of our Party Lay, but unhappy to ym he was 
Prepared for y™ shot and kill'd y'' Cockson; and by our Wall Peices &c; kill'd Divers of y" Butt 
upon his fireing upon y Canoe, Immeadiatly y^ Enemy Upon that was upon his Back fired upon 
and had but Just time to Shove his Battoe into ye Water, and Gett into Before y<^ Enemy appeared 
npon ye Waters Edge and Made a Brisk fire upon him Shot Thro' his Blanket in Divers Places, and 
thro' ye Battoe and tlien made to our Battoes for refuge, upon his Escape we pursued ye Cannoes 
with a constant fire upon theai till we came within Eiglity Rods of y"^ fires, Discovered a nomber 
of men upon Each Side of y* shore within about 40 Rods of us Gave y" Each a Broad side which 
put y" to ye Busli, and Gave us a Clear Passage Homewards and after we Got fairly into ye Lake Lay 
upon Our Oars and Inquired after the Circomstances of ye Party Found none killed, but one Wounded 
whicli Gave Joy to all of us after so Long an Engagement whicli I Judge was near 2 Hours &;c: 

And Then we made y* Best of our Way to our Head quarters about half Way, W^e met Witli }« 
Reiuforcem' — But upon Consultation, Tliought Best to report Wliat had happend Without further 
proceeding, and accordingly arrived here to ye Encampm' ye S** Instant — All whicli is Hum Sub- 
mitted by your Duty full Serv'*. Robert Rodgers 

Israel Putnam 
Camp at Lake George Nov 3*1 1755. Noah Grant. 

(Endorsed) Report of Cap' Rodgers &Co of their 

Skirmish with the Enemys advanced Guard, 
reced 3 Nov' 1755. 


Lake George Nov ye 2 1755. 
I ye subscriber Seeing ordered With a number of men to Go Near ye Narrows to Join Cap' Rogers 
and his men but on my way their I met Cap' Rogers Returning home he Beejing Discouer'd by 
a Party of the Enemy & attacked & thought Best to Return to ye Camp & I also Returned Back 
With him by his Desire. 

Roger Billinc Cap'. 
?0L. XV. 23 



Camp Lake George Novem'^' 3 : 1755. 
Report of my Procedings on a Scout Towards Tenondorogo. 

So according to your Orders of the 31 of Ocf Last I put of from the Camp in the Evening of the 
same Day about four miles Down the Lake I saw a filer on the West Shoar and went Nigh to it being 
Informed by the people With me that Our Scouts Commonly made fiers Near that place I Proceeded 
about Seven Miles from hear I saw a fier on the East Side on a Neck of Low Land and passed it at 
sum Distance about fourteen Miles from hear I saw a fier on the West Slioar Which I passed at two 
or three miles Distance So Proceeded Down the Lake tel about four o'clock in the morning the Wind 
Blew fresh and Rained and was very Dark I being unserten how far Wee had got Down the Lake 
put on Slioar halVd up the Canoe and staid til morning then found that we had not got Witliin Seven 
or Eiglit Miles of the Narrows Concluded to travel that Day by Land accordingly at Eight o'clock 
I satt out Lent Waterbery and one man more and Left tw^o men with the Canoe Wee Traveled til 
Past Noon along the sides of Mountains allmost Impasable and got on the top of a very high Moun- 
tain Where I had a fine Prospect of this Lake and of the Mountains on Champlaine I judged Wee 
had got about five miles by four hours hard traveling I allso thought I could see all from their by 
the Looks of tlie Land Witliin a Little Ways of the Narrows and Judged I Could see aney advan- 
tagous ground tliis side tlie Narrows Where the Enemy Would be likely to post their Guard I could 
see no Smoak only at a great Distance towards Champlain Which I Judged the Products of the Camp 
at Carelon finding the Mountains so Bad to pass Concluded to Return to the Canoe and go Down 
the Lake tliat Night about Eight miles if I Did not Discouer aney Enemy Soner acordingly I did 
and at Dark Lanched tlie Canoe and Proceded it Rained and Was very Dark so I could have seen 
aney Liglit a great Distance wee padled Down the Lake about three hours got wherethe Lake was 
very Narrow Could Discouer no Light Judged I had got By w^here the party was posted acording 
to what Inf )rmation I had had Looked at it not Safe to Land there that Night as it was so Near the 
Enemys Camp knowing Capt Rogers had been thar a Day or two before and tliat Likely he Might 
have alarmed them and that by that means they Might auoyd keeping fires in Order to Lay in Wate 
lor an opurtunity to Discouer our Spies I Judged that If I should be Discouered in tlie Day time 
that it was more than an Equil Chance to be taken So taking Every Circumstance into Consideration 
Looked at it Beter to Return unsuccessful! then to Run So Big Risk of being Discouered as I 
Looked at it I must Land tliere and stay a nother Day about ten Clock that Night Sett out for 
hoome where I arrived about 12 Clock the next Day all Well 

To Major Gener Johnson Sam Angell. 

(Endorsed) Lake George Nov 3. 1755 Cap* AngeUs Letter. 




Parted from the Camp 5 Nov' in the Evening & lay by near the mouth of the first narrow that 
night — All next day lay still, till Evening ab* 7 a Clock, then went on & ab* 10 discovered one of the 
Enemys advanced Fires on the East shore, proceeded & came in between 2 of their Flank Fires, 
thea went in upon their main Fire & discovered them releiving theij Sentryg w«i' were 5 in. number 


then returned about 4 miles in the middle of the Lake, put in on the East Shear into a little Creek & 
lay there that night The 7 Inst in the Morning he k two men went by Land & concealed them- 
selves in some Spruce Shrubs where the Enemy had been felling some Timber ab' 5 Rod from the 
Lake side \\"=^ is tliere about 300 yards wide, saw the Enemy come down to tlie West side of the 
Lake & carry away some Timber w*^*" lay there floating & carried it up to their Encamp' upon liand- 
spikes, lieard Workmen Chopping & liamering. Saw the Guards from tlie Two Advanced Fires 
upon the Lake side, come in, in Two Birch Canoes, each of w<=h contained 12 or 13 men. Saw no 
Lidians. discovered a Breast work round their Incampt with pickets put up like ours here, & 
several Log houses within it & suppose there may be between 150 or 160 men tliere, lay there til it 
began to rain hard &the Enemy left off working w^^ judge was between 10 & 11 a Clock yesterday 
morning, then came away & joined the other men at the Battoe lays still till about 12 a Clock at 
niglit, tlien set off for this Camp, about 3 tliis morning struck up a little fire upon a small Island 
ab' 20 nilles from hence about half an hour afterwards heard a whooping of Indians on the East side 
of the Lake kept a strict watch till Day break when the whooping was repeated more stronly, then 
set off in the Battoe homewards & made no further Discoveries. 

Camp at Lake George 8 Nov Afternoon taken by me Peter Wraxall 

(Endorsed) The Report of James Connor relating 
to the Enemys Advanced Guard. 


Camp at Lake George 8''' Nov'' 1755. 
Having according to Orders Gone the Distance w'* we Reach'd: the Ch sent out Two Scouts Ime- 
diately one for South Bay the other for w^ood Crick, the one that went to wood Crick returnd the 
same Evening and acquainted me they had Discoverd Newly beating Tracts to the s*i w* upon w^ 
on the 7"» at day break sent four ye same way to reach tlie falls of wood Creek But being a 
Rainy day k having no Compass within they went about S E as nigh as I can judge from their 
Information, and In the Close of the Evening Came up with a Tract Just Trod whicji they Imme- 
diately follow'd : & not Long before tliey discoverd the Rise of a smoke from a small hutt on the side 
of a hill, they made a halt & Concluded to send one forwarded to make what discoverys he Cou'd 
(the other lay in ambush ab' 30 rod off) on his Coming near he Discovered Seven Nigh tlie fire 
Three french and four Indians. On w*" he returned to his party and Acquainted them of their 
Numbers, upon w*» they Concluded that as soon as it was Dark to go & attack 'em : in the mean 
Time tlie person that Had made the discovery went & Lay to watch 'em to see if they sett any 
Sentrys : he had not sett Long before it Grew Dark : and he Discoverd four of 'em Come'g within 
a Rod or Two of him, & having a Great Cold Could not refrain Coughing : w^ he did at the Time, 
with his hand to his mouth as the first of the four Came across him : upon w^ he thinking they 
had discoverd him. He fires on him & he Dropt k Scremd out Bitterly he Imediately made to the 
party & they went of from the place k return'd to me this morning at Ten o Clock ; the Scout that 
went to South Bay having reached it, Stay'd some Time To make what Discovery they Coud. But 
returned not having Discoverd anytliing — Nothing more that's material has happen'd 

Mich*- Thodey. 




1755. Nov"^ 2^. Encamped upon a large Mountain near the Lake ; 

3'^. Still keeping to the westward of Lake George along the mountains, and encamped upon a 
mountain calld Tekaghwean garaneghton, heard firing in the Woods but could not come up with 
any Parties tho came upon several Tracks; imagining to be hunting Parties. 

4'''. Discovered a French Guard of abt: 30 or 40 men who had two Hutts upon a Point of the 
Lake, tliey looked for a place of Ambush and encamped so near the Guard that they heard them speak; 

5"". Laid still trying to get a scalp 

gth -Went to the Road which goes along the Water side towards Tiyondaroga in Order to get a 
scalp but no Body pass'd and they returned, and built up a small fire some Distance from that Guard, 
at night observd the fires of an Encampment so bright that it appeard to them like Day. 

"7^. In the Morning resolvd to discover tlie Encampment nearer accordingly they went, and found 
it to their surpriz and amazement so large that they never seen the like and the Encamp' at this 
Lake was nothing in Comparison did not see any Indians in the Encampm* returned to the Place 
of Ambusli. 

S'h. Laid there this Day for a scalp. 

9. Prorision growing short resolvd to return and report their Discovery. 

10. Travelled back. 

1 1 . In the Evening arrived at the Camp. 


Lake George I3'h Nov' 1755. 

having marcht ab* Twenty five miles to the Eastw^ of this Camp being hinderd by the Rain from 
going farther. Sent Severall advanc'd Scoutts: But none of us Disco verd any thing Nothing more 
has happen'd. Peiter Becker 

To Major Gen" Johnson. 


Serg* Thompson of the Rhode Island reg* Went down the Lake yesterday with a Battoe & 4 Men 
betAveen 6 & 7 a Clock in the Evening rowed ab' 4 hours came to a little Island ab' 8 miles off halted 
struck up a little Fire & eat some victuals when Connor in his Battoe joined them, then set off & 
stopped at a little Island ab* one Mile on this side the first Narrows, there went ashoar & recon- 
noitred it, thus went round it twice in a Battoe by w'^'' time it was ab* Sunrise, thus supposed 
were discovered by the Enemy, for immediately a large white Flag was hoisted on a point of the 
Main Land on the East side of the Lake from hence not above a Mile from -where we were & is one 
of the points of Land w<^h makes the narrows w<=*» did not seem to me to be above 40 yards wide, the 
Flag continued flying till we were out of sight. Connor thinks the Flag was 7 or 8 Miles from the 
Island where they discovered it. 

They say that to the Northward of the s"' White Flag, they discovered a large Smoak w'*" appeared 
to be a Mile long. 



Lake george November y« 15"" 1755 then set out a Scout -with two of y« Mohawk officers and two 
of their Indians and three of my men went towards y* South Bay to See what Descovery we Could 
make of an army Comming against us and traveled about East South East til we came where our 
advance guard goes and finding their Camps But no body there we Stil Stered about ye Same Course 
til night Came on & we Lookt out for a Conveniant Place to Camp and there Campt y* Next morning 
we Sent out three Scouts & when they Returned one of them thought he saw a smoak & a nother 
heard a gun & then we set out toward where tliey thought they see the Smoak and heard ye gun and 
there we Stopt and Sent out Scouts to see what Descovery they Could make who Returned and made 
no Descovery and then we set out about ye same Course and traveled til Sun about one hour high 
and there we Left a party and went to ye South Bay to see what Discovery we Could make and 
marcht about two miles Down ye Bay & made no Discovery of ye Enimy that was new. But Saw 
a Large Body of Ducks and gees and then we Returned to ye party and Lookt out a Conveniant 
place to Camp and as Soon as Day Light appeard we Set out to ye Bay again with a party to see 
what Descovery we Could make and marcht Down ye Bay about three miles and saw no Enimy but 
saw Large Incampments wliere they Landed tlieir Battos and then we Returned to ye party and found 
all well and then we set out back again to ye Came house and marcht til about Sun about one hour 
high and then we Came upon another Large incampment that y* Enimy had maid and then we 
marcht about half a mile & Came upon ye tract of four Enimy which we supposed to be going to 
fourt Edward and then we marcht homeward about tliree miles where we incampt that night next 
morning we Set out home to our Camp and found all well. 

Israel Putnam Cap'. 

(Endorsed) Report of Cap* Putnam & Comp* Stephen Schuyler. 

Scout to South Bay. 


November the 15 Day A D 1755. 
Set out on a Cout In a Botto By his boners ordors Jeneral Jonson his honers borders Was for 
three Battos and twenty for Men Bot When Came to Be Redy to Go one third Decliud to proseed 
and So I Set of With 2 Battos and 16 men a Bout seuen a Clock at Night and proseded til I came a 
Boue the first Naros and stoped on a Island for to Rest and Coming to Examin of the popel What 
prouison the had I found Scasity for one lialf for tlie tim I Desined to Be Gon so I tliot proper to 
Send Back one Batto and half of the Men and take the other prouison and So prosed Not With 
Standing I had Bot one tliird of the Strengh perposed By his honer on the 16 Day of Instant I 
lay Stil til Sonset and then I Set out for a Dis Couery and Did prosed as far as tlie Naros Whar the 
advansed party Lay the Night Being uery Light I Sopos they Discouer us forst for We Was Betwen 
the Moon and they and I sopos a Bout three quartor of a Mild Distans When forst Discouered Bov 
us We Lay a Spel to Consider What was Best Bot they Son Let us Noy they Was a Wake By fiering 
a Larem Gon and the other party anserd them and It Was the General note of the popel to 
Retosrn ^y Being Dis Couered and for Want of provisou for We had Not any at all So We Re- 


torn d With sped and Mad No other Discovery of Enymy and We Got In on the 17 Day a Bout 12 
a Clock To the onrabel Jenerael Jonson Esquire Commander and Chef of the army at Lake Gorg 
this Cout proseded By David Watei-bery L*. 

(Endorsed) Report of Lieut Waterbury of the 

Enemy at the Narrows. 17 Nov. 


You are to proceed with the party under your command to Tiondorogo in order view the posture 
& strength of the Enemy as distinctly as you possibly can. If you find tlie Enemy a considerable 
Body you are to dispatch Two of your party hither with an ace' & proceed w ith the rest to Crown 
Point where you are to make all the discoveries you can & if possible to take a Prisoner. 

Given under my hand this 16 day of NoV at y* Camp at Lake George 1755. 

(Endorsed) Orders to Lieu' Rodgers 16 Nov 1755. 


By Orders of the Hon^ie Major General Johnson Lieut' Rodgers & Claus made the following Dis- 
coveries at Diontarogo & Crown Point. 

1755 Nov' 16'h In the Evening sat off in a Battoe with 2 Mohawk Ind^ and one of the New- 
hampshire Men, came that Night as far as the large Bay of the Lake, att 12 or 14 miles from the 
Camp where we Lay that Night. 

17tb Travelled on, discovered nothing. 

18"> Ditto, heard 3 Canon fired ab' 2 or 3 o Clock afternoon. 

19"> ab' 4 in the afternoon came where the french advanced Guard keeps, Lieu'" Rodgers & Claus 
with an Indian went on top of a mountain opposite the Diontorogo Camp, where they discovered 
at the foot of it the french advance Guard, seen them walk upon the Beech judged their Number ab* 
40 or 50. 

Observed the Smoke of Diandorogo Camp to be at the same Place Cap' Rodgers discovered it, 
but the Ind"8 said it was then not to be compared to the smoke he seen when there a fewDaj^s before, 
heard frequent firing of Guns & Drums beating staid till dark, & then went back to our Company. 

20"i Early in the morning all of us went further down towards Diondarago ab^ 2 miles from where 
w^e encampd and coming to a mountain opposite the Camp went up & laying there a little while 
heard a Gun near us tried to come up to it but found it to be at the advance Guard. 
' Hendrick the Indian with Lieu' Claus went upon an Eminence of the Mountain to view the french 
Camp, but the Ind" was surprised to find such an alteration for he said the smoke he seen when 
there last was much larger and he could not but thinck the greatest part marchd off for Want of 
Provisions, Ab' noon sat off for Crown point ; 

21' Ab' 3 o Clock afternoon came within fair Prospect of Crown Point Fort and the adjacent 
Plantations, but could make no remarkable Discovery as the Place seemed quite desolate to us we 
could observe no smoke in the Tort or neighbouring houses tho' we staid till dark, saw no Body 
stirring, no Craft upon the Lake, beard ouly 2 or 3 Guus fired in the Woods over the Lake, We 


thought to intercept a Prisoner there or burn their Grain but seeing no house inhabited, & no stack 
w''' Grain (wliich article Henry the Indian observed to be too precious to the french as to leaAe it 
upon stacks :) we returned at Darlc a little ways & encamped. 

20d Weather & Scarcity of Provisions would not permit us to lay by any longer, wherefore took to 
our Retour, had an other view upon an eminent Rock of a Mountain of Diondaroga, heard firing of 
Guns & Cutting of Wood, & seen some smokes on the other side of Lake Champlain, when tlie old 
Indian was convinced of the Enemy's marching backward as he said the smoke of y* Camp was higher 
up the Lack when he saw it last, as also the firing & beating of Drums ; 

23, 24, 25"' Travelled homewards under great deal of hardships suffered by y« severity of the 

Which is Report of your Honours Most Obedient humble Servants 

Richard Rodgers 
To The Honoi'ie Major General Johnson. Dan*- Glaus. 


Monday November y« IT'h AD 1755. 
I marched with a parte of men from these Camps and Went on y^ Wagon Rod about 3 miles and 
then tornd to y* East and marched about . 7 . miles then touien to y« Northerd of the Est and 
marched about . 20 . miles and tliar in Campt and a Bout Daylitin I herd a Bout . 21 . grat gones 
fird a Bout North from us . in y* moring I marched to the North .4 or j 5 miles and then torned 
and mad homard Rangen y* Woods But Dident Discouer an thing at al. 

Eliphalet Fales Capt. 


Fort W"> Henry 29''' Jan-y 1756. 

Sr You are Hereby Ordered to March the Partey Under your Command y* nighest And Best 

way you Can to Crown Point There Take a View of that Fortress & out works & make minuets of 

the Same if you meet Indieans or any Enemy in your way you are to take tliem Prisoners or Kill tliem 

or distress them any other ways or Means your Prudence shall direct you are to take Good Care 

of your men and not Expose them too much you are to use all Immaginable Protection not to Loos 

a man if it should Snow you are to Return Imedintly to this Fort if you Discover any Large Body 

of the Enemy you are to send off of the most Active of your men with Intelligence to me as Soon 

as you Can Preforme this Scoute you are to Return to this Fort with your Partey I heartily wish 

you success. 

And am Sr your Hum'*'* Servant 

To Cap* Rob* Rotgers. B Gleasier. 



Fort Wm Henry Jan^y y* SOt'' 1756. 
Set out with a Partey of fifty men with Orders to Look Into Crown Point & tlie Advance Battreys 
that is Built Round it the first Day we mar^^i' Down the Lake George aboute Eighten Miles & 
Camp»i so we Procee") by the west'"! of the Gi-eate Mountains And Continu"! our March until the 2"J 
of Febry than Clamb^'J up a greate Mounton to the west""*! of Crown Point about one Mile & Gave 
it the name of Ogdens Mount there we took a Particular View of the s^ Fort & the Ridouts that is 
Built Round it & a Plan of the Same we Laide there untell the Evening then went Down the Mounten 
mari'ii through a small Village Aboute half a mile from the Fort to the Suthor^ there we Laide in 
Ambush upon each side of the Roade that leads from the Fort through Sa^J Village there we Laide 
Untill about nine of the Clock in Mor? and there Came Along one French man which we took 
Prisoner & 2 more were upon the Roade Accomming towards us but Discoverd our Ambush & made 
a Speedy Escape to the Fort & some of my men pursued them within Gun Shoot of the Fort but 
could not overtake them So we Being Discouerd thought it needles to waite any Longer for Prisoners 
but Imedently set fire to the Barns & Houses where was abundance of wheat k other Graiens & we 
Kill*J there Cattle, Horses and Hoogs in Number Aboute fifty Left none Living in s*" Village to our 
knowledge aboute 1 1 o'clock we march"! Home ward Leving the Village on fire the 5"' Ins' In the 
Morning one of our men was taken Sick so I stooped with Seven men k sent the Rest Home with Captn 
Cushinn & Liev* Ogden they Arr** at our Fort Aboute 6 In the Evening k I got Home the next 
Day Aboute 4 o'clock In y« afternoon with the Remainder of my Partey A true Account by your 
Humble Servant. Robert Rodgers. 


Seth Gushing. 


From Fort William Henry down into Lake Champlain pursuant to an order from his Excellency 
Major General Shirley to Captin Robert Rogers — as followeth — viz'. 

June y« 20ti» 1756 Set out with a party of fifty men in five Whale Boats & Proceeded at 
ab* twenty miles to an Island in Lake George were we encamped y« next day went five miles 
fartlier Down yc Lake and there landed, hailed out our Boats ashore and carried them over a 
Mountain about six miles to South Bay whare we arrived y« 3'd July in the afternoon and y* Same 
evening went down ye Lake at about six miles Distance from y^ Forts. 

July y« 4*11 towards moruing we hailed up y^ Boats on the East side of the Lake & Concealed them 
& lay by untill Evening, then set Out again & Passed by Tiantiroga & found we were not Discovered 
by being so near y« Enemy as to hear y® Senterys Watch word. We judged from the number of 
their fires they had a body of about two thousand men, k y* y* Lake in this Place to be about 
30 soing loaded Seventy Rods — Continued on till Day light about five miles from y* Fort, then hailed 
Tu^n lorogVuvo'" up ye Boats & Coucealed all day on y* Same Shore and discovered Sundry Battoes, 
lhoa^2o"hl}^n^, Loadcd and unloaded which ware Comeing & going upon ye lake — in ye Evening of 
from'xicondorogl ye fifth Day Put of again & attempted to Pass by Crownpoint But thought it impru- 
dent to Pursue this Intention by Reason of the Clearness & light of the Night, so hailed up y*" 


R>afs'em"i'and^ Boats again & Lay Concealed all Day being of 6 1^^ Currant, this Day near one hun- 
floLdJd'oi'ir"'' ^^^^ Boats Passed ns Seaven of Which Came very [neai-] us and asked to land at the 
to Ticondorogo Point Wliere we lay but their officer went farther on k Landed about 25 Rods from us 
Where they Dined in our View But did not think it advisable to Attack them in the Situation 
we were in About 9 in y^ Evening Set out again Passed y^ fort at Crownpoint & went ten miles 
from it Down y* Lake & hailed up ye Boats about brake of Day. 

July 7'^ about 10 in y^ Morn. 30 Boats Passed towards Cauda also a Light Schooner of about 
supose part of those ^^ *^^ 40 tUHS — Set out again in y® Evening & went 15 miles farther Down and 
seen the day before. ^^^^ ashore about 1 oClock a. m. upon a Point on y" East Side of & Immediately 
Sent a party farther Down the Lake for Discovery, who Saw a Schooner at Anchor Some Distance 
from ye Shore about a mile from us And upon this Intelligence lightned our Boats & prepared to 
Board them but were prevented about 3 of ye Clock by two Lighters Coming up the Lake who we 
found intended to Land in y® Place Where we Were which Vessels we fired upon immediately and 
afterwards hailled them & offered them Quarters if they would Come ashore which they said they 
would Comply with but Instead thereof put oif in their Boats to y^ opposit Shore but we followed 
them in our Boats & Intercepted them & after taking them found twelve men three of which were 
killed & two wounded one of the wounded Could not March therefore put an end to him to Prevent 
Discovery — as soon as y® prisners were Secure we employed our Selves in Destroying & Sinking 
Vesels and Cargoes — Which was Chiefly Wheat k, flour Rice Wine & Brandy excepting Some few 
Casks of Brandy & Wine which we hid in very secure Places with our Whale boats at Some Distance 
on ye opposite Shore the Prisners informed y' about five hundred men of which they were, foremost, 
were on their Passage at about two Legs Distance which occasioned us to set forward on our Return 
ye Morning of the 8"" Currant & persued our March till ye 12"> Where we arrived on the West 
Side of Lake George about twenty five miles from Fort Wil™ Henry & Sent Lieut Rogers to said 
fort for Battoes & Provisions to Carry us by water the 14"i in y^ evening ye Lieu' Returned to us 
with thirty men and ten Battoes & y^ 15'^ at two of the Clock we arrived safe With all my Party & 
Prisners at Fort Wil"" Henry. Robert Rogers, 

To Sir Wil™ Johnson. 



From Albany to Still Water - 22 mills 

from Still Water to Sarichtoge ----14 

from Sarichtoge to the Great Carrying Place --------14 

from the Carrying Place a Cross to Wood Creek - - - - - - - 10 

from the Wood Creek Down to the forks --------6 

from the forks to the Little falls Being the end of the Wood Creek - - - 24 
from the Little falls to the Narrows in the Drowned Lands, where 2 hills are 

opposite one another -._ 9 

from the Narrows to Tjondaroge where Lake S' Sacrama falls into the River - - 21 
from Tjondaroge to Crown point 15 

Vol. IV. 24 













Paul Ragueneau. Arrived in Canada 28 June 1636; Superior from 1650 to 1653; sent to Onondaga 
26 July 1657; left 20 March 1658; died at Paris 3 Sept. 1680. 

Isaac Jogues born in France, 1607; arrived in Canada 2*^ July 1636; prisoner among the Mohawks 
from Aug. 1642 to Aug. 1643; sent a missionary to the same tribe in 1646 and killed, (at 
Caughnawaga as is supposed), 18 Oct. of the same year. 

Frs. Jos: Lemercier. Arrived in Canada 20 July 1635; Superior from 1653 to 1656; sent to Onon- 
daga May 17 of the latter year; remained there until 20 March 1658; died in the West Indies. 

Frs. Duperron. Arrived in Canada between 1636 and 1638; returned to France Aug. 23 1650; 
came out a second time, was missionary at Onondaga from 1657 to 1658, and again returned 
to France 6 Sept. 1658; arrived for the third time in Canada June 30 1665, and died at Fort 
S' Louis, Chambly the 10 Nov. following. 

Simon le Moyne. Arrived in Canada about 1638, when he was sent to the Hurons; sent to Onon- 
daga 2 July 1654; arrived at the Mohawks 16 Sept 1655; remained there until 9 Nov. of 
same year; sent thither again in 1656; returned 5 Nov. same year; went to the Mohawks a 
third time 26 Aug. 1657, and returned to Quebec May 21 1658; sent to Onondaga 2 July 1661, 
returned to Quebec Sept 15, 1662; sent on 30 July 1663 to the Senecas, but remained at 
Montreal. Died at Cape de la Magdeleine in Canada 24 Nov. 1665. 

Francois Joseph Bressani. A native of Rome; arrived in Canada in 1642 [16381]; prisoner among 
the Mohawks from Ap'l 30, to 19 Aug. 1644; left for Europe Nov 2, 1650; died at Florence 
9 Sept. 1672. 

Pierre Joseph Mary Chaumonot. Born near Chatillon sur Seine ; entered at Rome in 1632; arrived 
in Canada 1 Aug 1639. Sent to Onondaga Sept 19, 1655, abandoned it March 20, 1658. 
Founded Lorette, and died at Quebec 21 February 1693. 

Joseph Anthony Poncet. Arrived in Canada 1 Aug 1639; prisoner among the Iroquois from Aug 
20 to Oct 3,1652; started for Onondaga 28 Aug 1657, but recalled at Montreal ; left Canada 
18"' Sept 1657; died at Martinique 18 June 1675. 

Rene Menard. Arrived in Canada July 8, 1640; was a missionary with Lemercier at Onondaga 
from 1656 to 1658, and afterwards among the Cayugas. Is said to have died in the woods 
near Lake Superior in Aug. 1661. 

Jdlien Garnier. Was born in 1643; arrived in Canada 27 Oct 1662; was ordained Ap'l 1666; sent 
to the Mohawks May 17, 1668; passed to Onondaga, thence to Seneca; on the mission until 
1683. He appears to have been one of the Missionaries sent to the Cantons in 1702. " In 
silvis apud Iroquois." Catal. 1703. 



Claude Dablon. Arrived in Canada 1655 when he proceeded to Onondaga, and continued there a 
few years. He labored afterwards among the tribes of the Upper lakes, and was Superior 
from 1670 to 1693. The date of his decease is not known; he was still alive in 1694. 

Jacques Fremin. Was missionary at Onondaga from 1656 to 1658j sent to the Mohawks in July, 
1667; left there 10 Oct., 1668 for Seneca, where he remained a few years. He died at Que- 
bec 20 July, 1691. 

Pierre Rafeix. Arrived in Canada 22 Sept 1663; chaplain in Courcelles' expedition in 1665 ; 
sent to Cayuga in 1671; thence, on Carheils' return, to Seneca where he was in 1679. He was 
in Quebec in 1702-3 though in an infirm state of health. 

Jaques Bruyas. Arrived Aug. 3, 1666. Sent to the Mohawks, July 1667, & to the Oneidas in 
Sept. where he spent 4 years; thence he returned to the Mohawks in 1672, and was at 
Onondaga in 1679, in 1700 and 1701. He was still alive in 1703, at Fort St Louis. 

Etienne de Carheil. Arrived in Canada 6 Aug. 1666; sent to Cayuga 1668 — absent in 1671, 2 ; 
returned and remained until 1684. Died at Quebec July 1726. He is said to have spoken 
the Iroquois better than his own language. 

Pierre Milet. Was sent with de Carheil to Cayuga; left in 1684; was at Niagara in 1688 ; 
taken prisoner at Cataracouy in 1689 and remained in captivity until October 1694. He was 
alive in 1701 and Charlevoix, who came in 1705, says that he lived several years with him. 

Jean Pierron. Arrived in Canada 27 June 1667; sent to the Mohawks the following month; 
returned to Quebec and arrived again among the Mohawks 7 Oct. 1668; left in 1670 and 
was sent to the Senecas after 1672,3 where he still was in 1679. 

Jean de Lamberville. A.rrived probably in 1668. At Onondaga in 1671,2; left it and was sent to 
Niagara in 16S7; at La prairie in 1690 and in France in 1699. 

Francois Boniface. Sent to the Mohawks in 1668, 9; laboring there after 1673; died at Quebec 17 
Dec. 1674. 

Frs. Vaillant de Gdeslis; arrived prior to 1674. Succeeded Father Boniface among the Mohawks 
about 1674; accompanied the expedition against the Senecas in 1687; on the 31 Dec. of that 
year was sent to New York and to the Senecas in 1703, 4. 

Jacques de Lamberville. Among the Mohawks in 1675-8; subsequently at Onondaga which 
place lie left in 1686. At Montreal in 1700, again among the Iroquois in 1703, and at Onon- 
daga in Sept 1708. He was at Cayuga in 1709, whence he fled on the breaking out of the war. 

Pierre de Mareuil. At Onondaga in June 1709, when he surrendered himself to the English in 
consequence of war breaking out between the latter and the French, and came to Albany 
where the government caused every attention to be paid to him, as appears by Journ. 
Ass. i., 255. 

Jacques D'Heu was a Missionary among the Onondagas in 1708 ; and in 1709 among the Senecas ; 
is said to have been drowned in 1728. 

Anthony Gordon, founded St Regis in 1769, with a Colony from Sault St. Louis. 


Francis Picquet. Came to America in 1733; founded Oswegatchie in 1748; abandoned that place 

in 1760, and died in France 15 July 1781. 
Pierre Paul Frs. de la Garde. Succeeded Abb^ Picquet at Oswegatchie ; died at Montreal 

April 4 1784. 

•,• We are indebted to the politeness of John 6- Shea Esq- for the preceding list. Ed, 



Honourable Sir, May it please Your Honour. 

Here i make bold to communicate to Your Honour a Project for the better peopling gov- 
erning and defending of the Limits of North America, wich i leave to Your Hon^s Wisdom and 
Discretion, if you could aprove of it Sir, or devise any better, i conceive it would be more takon 
Notice of, if proposed to his Majesty, by Way of an Advice of the Indians. I have tlioiight Sir 
that it would be more for the good of the Plantations in the present Circumstances, if tlie Cost, 
wich must be spent to the Carrying on of a War, were imployed for transporting settlers, and pro- 
viding for them for one year at least, besides parchasing of Implements and Cattle and that a Circling 
Line might be improved and at convenient Places and Distances Forts and Towns erected and a 
Borroagli Grave or Guard a limit settled at Camp Johnson, at Oswego, at Lake Erie and at Oliio, 
wich Borroagh Graves should be immediates that is independents of the Respective Goverments 
but only depending on his Majesty's Orders, and only accountable to him. To whom a District suffi- 
cient for its own Defence should be granted and assigned, witli Power sufficient for the Defence 
thereof, wich at set Times should be subject to a Visitation of a Commission of his Mjijesty, wliose 
Power must be more extensive in the Beginning in order to make Tryal and subject to Limitations 
from his Majesty as occasion should offer. This i conceive is the Method, by wich the German 
Emperors have preserved their Extensive Territories against the Incursions of the Barbarians, in 
former Times You know Sir, it doth not signify, to claim and even conquer large Territories, if 
you can not keep them, and you cannot keep them except you can settle them, and tliat it will 
cost less to settle and improve them tlien in process of time it will cost the king and Country to 
erect Forts keep them in Repair and maintain Garrisons at so great a Distance from the Settlements 
It will indeed cost more in the Beginning and at once, but these Costs will lessen and determine and 
instead thereof the Income of the Country will increase and the Costs and Troubles of Ware will be 
spared. But then i would also advise That such Borrough Graves or Guard a limits must settle 
first in the Fixt Line one towards the other, and that in defensible Towns, so that the settling 
must begin at their respective Residences and so round about and extending first and principally 
as much as possible from the Residence of one Borrough Grave to the other and to secure the Com- 
munication of the Burggraves with one another Forts must be erected at convenient Places and 
proper Distances between them, and a Correspondence by Post and express kept. If the Crown 
would resolve upon this Method it would be adviseable to listen at present to the Proposals of the 
French Carl for an accommodation, on Condition that the Forts errected on the kings Territories be 
immediately demolished. And if tlien this Method was immediately put in Execution, we would 
gain upon Canada insensibly so that they would be obliged to be in fear of us in place that we must 
now be in fear of them. If Your Honour approves of my scheme and promotetla a Subscription of the 
Indians to the Inclosed Petition i shall, God willing undertake a Voyage to England and promote the 
scheme, with all my might. I wish that i miglit be so happy to speak with your Honour about it, 
or to obtain an Answer in Writing But Circumstances bid me conclude Recommending Sir, Your 
Honourable Person, House, Office and circumstances to tlie Divine Favour and Protection, and my 
self to the Continuation of yours i remain with all possible Respect. 

Honourable Sir Your Honour 

most obedient Servant 

J. C. Hartwick, 

Staatsboroiigh y« IS'*" Janu'y 1756. 


P. S. Since according to his Majestys Instructions a Fund for an Indefinite Salary for the Governor 
must be provided Quarit wether not this scheme might be improved so as to be something subser- 
vient to it, in such Case it would be advizable that such Burggraviates must be subject to the 
Governors and a Deputy Governor resident in the Chief Burgtovvn. And i liave forgotten in the 
Letter to observe that the Inhabitants, who must be obhgd, by Turns to guard the Forts and 
defend the Frontiers must be exempt from taxes and from bearing a share in the Expenses belonging 
to tlie Government of tlie Provinces to wich they are the Barrier. I hope Sir you will improve these 
Raw Hints, wich to Day expecting your arrival are come in my mind and that you will pardon my 
Freedom and immature Patriotism I wish you, Honourable Sir, an happy New Year and if possible 
Peace, if not, Victory and Success. 


Beloved Brethren ! 

Grace be unto you, and Peace from God our Father and from the Lord Jesus Christ. 

For as much as i have been hindred for a considerable Time, both by Reason of Sickness and 
your absence to see your Face or to write to you, and as i apprehend, you might be concerned or 
troubled in your mind about it as i am : i could not forbear imbracing an opportunity of Speaking 
to you in Letters, wich i expected the Honourable General Johnson, would give me if i or a Letter 
could hit him at his Return from New York. Dear Brethren, i at the same Time will condole and 
congratulate you. that on the victory obtained by you ; this because of the spilling of so much noble 
and brave Blood, in particular that of our Brother Henry. But i forbear, saying more about it, 
least i should perhaps make the Wound, wich beginns to heal soar and bleed again. Let it be to 
your Comfort : That he died in a good Cause as a faithfuU allie and a brave Captain, and sleepeth 
on the Bed of Honour, where his Name will be a good Savour, as long as a Free Englishman and 
faithful Mohawk remains over And as he hath been your Brother your Father and your Captain, it 
is your Duty to be a Guard to the Bed whereon he sleepeth. That no perfidious Frenchmen may 
disturbe the Rest of his Bones, and ashes : And if the French and their Slaves will not rest satisfied 
with the litle Revenge you have taken from them, and desist from their Incroachments and cruel 
Ravages, and restore what they have unjustly taken : then stand up for your and your Bretherns 
Right and revenge the dear Blood so unjustly spilt ! I would also beseech you, Brethern that you 
would not suffer, that some, who are unworthy to be lookd upon by you as Brethren or even Men, 
because they are more cruel than Savage Beasts, might spoil the Good name and Fame you have 
of late purchased with your blood. That your Heart might not be as a stone but be moved with 
Compassion and on liearing of the more then barbarous Treatment your Brethren the English in 
Pensylvania & parts adjacent have met with. 

And as to the Cognawaghes wlio are of your Blood, let them know that it would have been 100 
Times better for them, to have accepted your Generous offer of Peace and Friendship then to Reject 
It on so frivolous Excuses ; as ; their having been washd with the same Water as the French Since 
there is bijt one Baptism, and you are washd with the same Water as they. Since even the Papists 
do not even repaptize those of tlie protistants that imbrace their superstitious Way of Worsliip. 

I let you know also beloved, that if you are good spiritual Warriors who manfully figlit under 
the Banner of your Chief Captain Jesus, against your Spiritual Enemies, vidz' wicked Spirits & men 
as also your own bad Inclinations and Habits : Tliat then the Great God, who is calld Immanuel, 
that is to say : God with us will be with you & fight your Battles. 


Lastly my Brethren, Let my tears be wipd of, for the Deatli of my Brother Henry, by a letter to 
Great King George, wich i beseecli you to subscribe in my Behalf, lest i might loose the Fruit of so 
many years' toil, trouble and charges. And i assure you, as soon as the Lord shall enable me, you 
shall not find me ungratefull. And as I have not been unmindfull hitherto, but remembered you 
at the Throne of Grace, so i shall in Times to come. 

The Lord be with you and your Love with me, who am 
Beloved Brethren your Loving Brother 

Servant and Intercessor by God 

John Christopher Hart wick. 
taatsborough y** lo'*" of January 1756. 
(Addressed) To Abraham Petersen, Paulus Petersen, 
Niclas and the Rest of the Brethren of 
the Mohawks of the Castle at Canadshohare. 


To the Great Sachem of the Brittish Nation George the Second of Great Brittain, France and 
Ireland King, Defender of the pure Christian Faith Nursing Father of the seven Indian 
Nations of America 
The humble Address of the Chiefs and others of the Mohawk Indians of Canad Schohary 
May it please Your Majesty ! 

Whereas We from a long Experience, are convinced, not only of Your Majestys Power and Incli- 
nation, to defend your subjects from the Insults and Attacks of their Ennemies, but also of your 
Majesty's Faithfullness in Performing your Covenants with your Majesty's alliance and Protection 
before tliat of the French King against all attemts of the latter to intice and move us to the Con- 
trary and therefore both formerly and now in particular lately, being moved thereunto, by our 
Brother General Johnsen have renewed the Covenant Chain subsisting between Your Majesty and 
the Six Nations, and increased it, with lincking another Nation to it, by wich means Your Majestys 
Interest is become ours, wich now, after the famous and glorious Battel and Victory fought and 
obtained against and over the French Army at Lake George, under the Wise Conduct of our brave 
Brother General Johnsen, since it costs us a good proportion of our best and noblest Blood, our 
Captain Henry besides more being killd in it, to wich Victory on this occasion we take the 

opportunity humbly and heartily to congratulate Your Majesty, is become still more so. Hence, 
and from many considerations more it is morally impossible for us. That we should undertake, do 
or advize any thing, to the Hurt of Your Majesty's or our Brethren's Your Faithful Subjects Interest. 

And whereas We, who live between Your Majesty's and the French Kings Territories naturally 
must know better, what is conducive to the Defension of the Fronteer of Your Majestys Dominions 
in America, than those living remoter can know. 

Therefore do we hope, that Your Majesty will graciously indulge us humbly to advize something 
concerning the Savety of the extreme Parts of Your Majesty's Dominions. 

By long Experience we know, that the Guarding the Provinces of Your Majesty against the 
Incroachments and Insults of a foreign Enemy, by Means depending on an Assembly the Members 
whereof, for the greatest Part live remote from them, is a very precarious and ineffectual Method, 
and therefore humbly take upon us, to propose another, vizt. 
Vol. IV. 25 


That Yoiir Majesty might be pleased, to grant, to such Persons, as were willing and able to settle 
and cultivate and to whom we should be inclined to sell, Tracts of Land sufficient to erect Towns 
and Forts thereon, under the Restrictions and Conditions, to settle thereon in Towns, and not in so 
scattered a Manner as is done in other Parts of tlie Country, to Fortify, Garrison and defend such 
Towns, to settle and maintain Ministers of the Gospel and Schoolmasters, both for themselves and 
the Indians living about them: and to free such Towns and Precincts from all other public Taxes 
Expenses and troubles, wherein they should not particularly be concerned. 

And whereas we find John Christopher Hartwick minister of the Gospel inclined and conceive 
him able to promote both the kingdom of Christ and that of Your Majesty: therefore after he had 
obtained Your Majestys Lycence to purchase, we have sold to him in Your Majestys Name a Tract 
of Land the remotest, that hath been purchased yet. And whereas both by Reason of the great 
Distance from markett and because of the Nearness to the Enemies Country and tlie Adjoining 
Wilderness of the people that would undertake to settle it must labour under great Hardsliips and 
Difficulties, arising from the above mentioned Circumstances easily to be conceived and too tedious 
to mention to Your Majesty and whereas the far greater part of the Tract of Laud aforesaid is not 
improvable, and what is so is much interrupted by Hills, so that the good cannot be seperated from 
the bad, without putting the undertaker to insupportable Charges, the Land must either remain 
waste to the Detriment of Your Majesty's Interest because it cannot make good the charges and 
Fees of Surveying and Patenting, wich are great, or bring up the Quitrent, wich is now higher than 
that wich is paid from good and conveniently and savely situated Land, or an Exemption must be 

For these Reasons and from such Considerations as these, as also from the Confidence we put in 
the Grace and Favour, wich Your Majesty hath allways been w^ont to bestow upon us We have 
taken upon us to intercede to Your Majesty in Behalf of the aforementioned John Cliristopher 
Hartwick humbly praying Your Majesty, to grant to the said John Christopher Hartwick the Tracts 
of Land sold to him by us; and more particularly described in the Deeds of Conveyance and 
Returns of the Surveyor, on such easy Terms as to Your Majesty in Your Grace and Wisdom shall 
seem most fit and expedient for the Intents and Purposes aforementioned, wich we forbear 
mentioning at Large being confident Your Majestys Wisdom will from this Hint easily infer 

If Your Majesty shall be pleased to grant these our Prayers we shall thanckfully acknowledge 
it, as a Token of Your Majestys especial Grace and Favour towards us, and use our best Endeavours 
by a FaithfuU Attachment to Your Majestys Crown to deserve it allways praying to the Heavenly 
Father to support Your Majesty in Your old age, with continual Supplies of Heavenly and Royal 
GiftSjGraces Power and Strength to the longest Period of Life, and to crown Your Endeavors for the 
Happiness of Your People and maintaining Peace among Christian Princes, with Success, and at 
last when Your Majesty shall be full of Days to leave Your Crown to a Prince of Your Royal Blood, 
who shall not be unworthy to be Son to such a Father and Successor to such a king, and to receive 
a Crown of Glory in the Heavenly kingdom that fadeth not. 

Finally, we pray. That Your Majesty would be pleased to continue that fatherly Care and Pro- 
tection wich we have hitherto injoyed towards us and our Brethren the Six Nations and to receive 
into the same also the Nation of wich by the Care of our Brother Johnson hath been 

joined with us and linck to the Covenant Chain in particular we pray That Your Majesty would be 
pleased to provide for us, to the Glory of God and our Souls Wellfare a Church and a Minister resid- 
ing among us; that we may more fully enjoy the Light of the Gospel, wich hath begun to dawn upon 

(f hPz- 


US ; That we delivered from the Power of Darkness may walk in it — and Your Majestys Petitioners 
shall ever pray. 

May it please Your Majesty Your Majesty's 

most humble and obedient Servants. 

•»• On the 22d day of April 1761, letters patent were granted to John Christopher Hartwick and others, for a considerable 
tract of land in this vicinity ; (Otsego Lake,) and Mr. Hartwick, being under the impression that his grants extended to the 
shore of the lake, caused a clearing to be commenced not far from its outlet. Becoming satisfied that he had passed the 
boundaries of his estate, this gentleman soon relinquished his possession, and altogether abandoned the spot. — Cooper's 
Chronicles of Cooperstown, p. 6. 


Albany May I40' 1756. 
' Dear Sir — I hope before this you have received the Lines I sent to the care of M"" Peterson of 
Schenectady I inclose a Letter I just now rec^ and was in Hopes to have sent you the public Papers 
but none come to Hand. This Morning arrived an Express from Virginia, the contents have not 
yet transpired : I imagine the Indians and French have penetrated far into that Province by some 
hints I have heard. 

I plainly foresee, imless we act with more Vigour & uanimity, we shall become a Byword among 
the Heathen, and the Enemy will Laugh us to scorn. I heard Gen"' Shirley say that he would order 
Montrosure to plan a Defensible Fort which he intended to send to you, as a Model for the Forts 
among the Indians, and tliat he would order them immediately to be built as he looked upon it the 
only Measure left to secure the AlUance of the five Nations : For my part I thought M"' Shirley's Zeal 
for the public would not have left this Measure to be executed at this Time, especially as we were 
told in the public Papers, that the six Nations were effectually secured by his Activity the last 
Summer : I am very apprehensive, from what I hear, that the Delawares will obstruct our building 
a Fort at Onogquaga, and I fear you'll meet with Difficulty in procuring Workmen for that 
Service. I am quite of opinion, that those who undertake that affair should be well guarded. Yes- 
terday S"" I....S' L[ege]r was in violent Wrath in consequence of a Letter from Broadstreet, what the 
Contents were I know not : I believe the Gen' is embarrassed between them both : One, I am 
convinced he must give up, and I am inclined to think he'll in appearance drop Broadstreet, for 
Material Reasons. I am vastly diverted to see Alexander pursuing S"^ John where ever he goes. 
I am Sensible their Accounts puzzled them confoundedly. I am this minute inform'd That the 
French & Indians had surrounded Winchester & that Washington was there only with fifty Men 
but that the Militia of Ten Counties were on their March for it's Relief Major Sparkes sends 
his Comphments, M"^* Ogilvie joins in our best Wishes Pray make my Compliments to Cap' Wraxal 

I am D' Sir yours affectionately 

John Ogilvie. 

P. S. This Minute all the Barracks at the Patrons Mils were consiomed by Fire by which Means 
a great Quantity of Wheat is lost. 




Fort Johnson, !«' March 1761. 

Sir It is but a few days since I had y« pleasure of receiving your most polite and friendly letter. 
I wish it had been in my power when in Canada, to liave made you more sensible of my good 
inclination to serve you, or any gentleman in your then unhappy scituation, as nothing could ever 
afford me a more Sensible liappiness tlian to be able to reward merit & relieve y<= distressed. Your 
very Generous and gratefull Sentiments, expressed on ye occasion, far exceed any thing I could have for so wortliy a Person wherefor all I can say in return is, that I shall ever be desirous of & 
Avlsh for a favorable oportunity to convince you of my esteem. 

I liave on my arrival last Autum acquainted the Lonps of Orange also the Six JSTations with w* 
passed between me & tlie Abanakis your Flock, concerning that unlucky affair, and desired they 
would all remain quiet until the Spring of the year, when, I assured them proper satisfaction would 
be made for what had been done by tlie Abanakis, they all acquiesced, and now expect the arrival of 
said Indians soon wlienthat happens I sliall take care to have the affair properly made up, and a good 
understanding settled between both Parties, and in order to enable the Abanakis the better to 
come to Albany unmolested I have ordered Lieut Claus now at Montreal my Deputy Agent, to give 
them a Flag w'' they are to carry when coming this way, and at the same time, desired he would (on 
my ace*) advance you for your own use Ten pounds, which I hope you will please to accept as a 
small Token of my regard for you. The good disposition of y« Indians y way gives me great 
pleasure, and hope they will be sensible enough to continue it, as it will be for their own Interest. 
You may assiu-e them Sir, from me, that as long as they behave well, they will have my good wishes, 
and interest with whatever generel may be here, and I flatter myself while they have you for their 
guide, they will not do any thing to forfeit it. I wish you all the success imaginable and am with 
perfect esteem Sir Your Sincere friend 

& very Humble Servant W. J. 

*,* Father Jean Basile Roubault, to whom this letter is addressed, is represented as having arrived inCanada in 1742 and 
remained there until 1764. Ed. 


S"" I proposed being at Fort-Hunter on Sunday Next but am unhappily disappointed by being 
so much out of Order that I am incapable of undertaking so long a Journey. Besides I have Duty 
to do at Albany to morrow, if I find myself capable. I hope you have not acquainted the Indians of 
my Design of coming, or if you have, shall esteem it as a Favour if you will let the Interpritor 
acquaint y" of my Reason for Not coming. Major Rogers who favour's me with this, will acquaint 
you of all the News stiring, shall therefore to avoid giving you farther Trouble beg leave to 
subscribe myself Y' most obedient Hum: Servant 

Albany Friday March 27«h T: Brown. 

I received the enclos'd of M' Corry, & was in hopes of delivering it into y own Hands. 

*,* Rev. Tnos. Brown, of whom there are some few particulars in Doc. His. iii, § xsi, was Deputy Chaplain to IT. M. 60th 
Eeg't of Foot, or Royal Americans, according to his own petition, and not to the 27th regiment, as already erroneously stated. 
He supplied the Rev. Mr. Ogilvie's place at Albany from 21 Dec. 1760 to Nov. 1761, when he also was ordered on an expe- 
dition. At the desire of St. Peter's Congregation lie was, on his return, appointed Mr. Ogilvie's successor, and continued to 
have charge of that church until 1767, when he was succeeded by Rev. Harry Munro. {Abstract Soc. Prop. Gosp.) For 
his subsequent career, the reader is referred to the 3d vol. of this work. 



Fort Johnson, Nov' 17th 176I. 
Reverand Sir, 

Yours of the 2<J Ins' I had a few days ago The pleasure of receiveing by y^ hands of Kirtland,' I 
am pleased to find ye Lads I sent liave meritted your good opinion of them. I expect they will 
return, and hope will make such progress in tlie English Language, & tlieir Learning, as may 
prove to your Satisfaction, & the Benilit of the Lidians, who are realy much to be Pittied — my 
absence these four month, has prevented my design of encourageing some more Lads going to you, 
and since my return (which is but Lately) I have not had an opportunity of seeing either Old or 
Young, bing all on their Hunt, when they come back, I sliall talk with, & advise their Parents to 
Embrace this favourable opertunity of havin tlieir Children instructed, and doubt not of their 
readiness to Lay hold of so kind & charitable an offer. 

Kirtlands intention of Learning y« Mohawk language I much approve of, as after acquireing it, 
he could (when qualified) be of vast service to them as a Clergy man wliicli tliey much want, and 
are verry desireous of liaving. 

The present Laudable design of instructing A number of Indian Boys will I doubt not, when more 
known, lead Several Gentlemen to contribute towards it, & enable You thereby to increase the 
number of Scholars, w"* whom I shall not be backward to contribute my mite. 

I have given in charge to Joseph^ to speak in my name to any good Boys he may See, and incoiu*- 

1 RcT. Samuel Kirtland, afterwards so celebrated as a missionary among the Oneidas. His life, by bis grandson, Kev. S. 
K. Lothrop, will be found in Spark's Amer. Biography, 2 scr. XV. 

2 This was the cclebi-ated Joseph Brant, Thay-cn-de-nca-ga, since so well known through Col. Stone's elaborate biography 
of him. We find the following account of his introduction to the Rev. Mr. Whcelock in the lattcr's Narrative of the Indian 
School at Lebanon, 17G3. " The Honourable Scotch Commissioners in and near Boston, understanding and approving of 
the Design of sending for Indian Children of remote Tribes, to be educated here, were the first Body, or Society, wlio have 
led the Way in making an Attempt for that purpose. Which because of the Newness and remarkable Success of it, and 
because it may encourage such a Design in time to come, I suppose it may not be disagreeable, if I am a little particular in 
my account of it: While I was in Boston they passed a Vote to this purpose, May 7, 1701, ' Tliat the Rev. Mr. Whcelock of 
Lebanon be desired, to fit out David Fowler, an Indian Youth, to accompany Mr. Sampson Occom, going on a Mission to 
tlic Oneidas. that said David be supported on said Mission for a Term not exceeding 4 Months; and that he endeavour on his 
Return to bring witli him a Number of Indian Boys, not exceeding three, to be put under Mr. Whcelock' s Care and Instruction, 
and that 201. be put into Mr. Whcelock's Hands to carry this Design into Execution; and that when said Sum shall be ex- 
pended, he advise the Treasurer of it, and send his Accounts for Allowance.' 

'• Pursuant to this Vote I cloathcd and furnished said David with Horse and Money, for his long Tour into the Wilder- 
ness which he set out on Jxine 10th, in Company witli Mr. Occom, by tlie Way of Neiv-York ; in which Journey he rode above 
a thousand Miles, and by the Advice, Direction and A.ssistancc of Sir William Johnson, obtained tliree Boys of the Mohawk 
Nation, who were willing to leave th(ur Friends and Country and come among Strangers of another Language, and quite anotliei 
Manner of Living, and where, perhaps, no one of their Nation tlien living had ever been; and among a People of whom tlieir 
Nation have been of a long Time inclined to entertain Jealousies. Their tiamcs were, Joseph, Ncgycs, and Center. Tlicy 
arrived here ^ngtist 1st, 17G1, but had so much Caution in the extraordinary Entcrpiize, that they brought each of them an 
Horse from their own Country. Two of them were but little better than naked, and could not speak a Word of English. 
The other being of a Family of Distinction among them, was considerably cloathcd, Indian-fadnon, and could speak a few 
words of English. They let me know, as soon as I could understand them, that Sir Wji. Johnson had told them they should 

return and visit their Friends in tlie Fall of the Tear. I took speedy Care to cleanse and cloath them. 

• •<• ••• ••••• 

" Center's Countenance, as I thought wh n he came, discovered that he was not in Health. My Suspicions increased, 
and the Issue proved they were not groundless. He continued with me till the Fall, when the Physician I employed advised 
me, that his Disorders threatned his Life, and prevailed to such a Degree that he looked upon him to l)e incurable, and that 


age 'em to accept the Generous offer now made them, w^^ he promised to do, & Return as Soon as 
possible & that without horses — in case there should not a Sufficient number go now, I will on 
return of y* Ind^ from Hunting, advise them To Send as many as is required also endeavour to Send 
one To the Rev^ M'' Graves, ' whose offer (if they have any common Sence) they wiU look upon in 
the friendly & Generous light it Deserves. 

As I am very mucli hurried at present, must beg leave to refer you to Kirtland for any perticulars 
you may choose to be informed of as I had a good deal of Conversation Avith Mm, regarding the 
Present State & Disposition of the Indians in severall. 

I wish you aU Success in it undertaking 

And am w'i> truth & Sincerity 

Reverend Sir Your most obedient 
Humble Servant, 
The Reverend Eleazer WTieelock. Wm. Johnson. 


uijt mein hauss febr. de 8'* A" 1762. 
To the honorable 

Sir William Johnson. 

that ij reit these Letter en trouble You bij these ij be forced for it : 
the Reason is because ij heard yesterdaij in the Castle that the Bostoniers were designed to erect 
schools in everij Castle by clioosing uijt two jung boijs for to be send in nieu engelland to be 
instructed there and them should instruct the others in proper learning, now learning is good en is 
most necessarij amongs the haddens that cannot be contradicted but ij want to know to what design 
as it is to introduce their own Presbijteren Church than can it not be allowed, en as it prejudice our 
Church en Church ceremonies, en is not a greable en conform to them than it must not be allowed en 
as so is it is against them : but as het design is with that pourpose than ij have nothing to saij en be 
content en must be content with it. now Sir ij let it to your Sirs weisse consideratie en he shall to 
best know de what is in these matters, en let my be ignorant in that matter . but ij think it shall not 
be taken in a rang sense tliat ij reit these things to your Honour then ij noem freely mine beste 

he judged it best to send him back to his Friends, and that soon, or it would be too late to send him at all; and according to 
this Advice I sent him away with Negyes, having furnished them with Money for their Journey into the Mohawk Country, on 
the 23d Day of Oc<o6er. Joseph ta^med longer to accompany young Kirtland, who was learning the Afo/iaif/s Language of 
him, and whom I sent into that Country to obtain six Boys of those Nations, to partake of the Benefit of Sir Petbr 'War- 
ren's Legacy, according to the Instructions of the General Assembly of the Province of: Massachusetts-Bay, before mentioned. 
" Center reached home, but died soon after. Negyes, I hear, was captivated by a young Female and married. Mr. Kirtland 
and Joseph set out for the Mohawk Country November 4th, and returned November 27th, and brought two Mohawk Lads with 
them viz. Moses and Johannes, by whom Sir "Wm. Johnson informed me that he expected to be able to send the Rest when 
they came in from hunting. I informed the Hon. Commissioners of the State of the Case, and by a Letter from the Reverend 
Dr. Chaunct, Chairman of their Committee, in the Name of the rest, was desired to let them have in their Pay and under 
their Direction these two who came last with Joseph, which I consented to, provided they would remit the necessary Charges 
which I had been at in procuring and cloathing them, and give me as I afterwards charged them for their Support and Tuition, 
upon which Conditions they took them. I immediately sent to Sir Wm. Johnson for other six to partake of Sir Pktek 
"Warren's Legacy. These three, viz. Joseph, Moses and Johannes, continued with me In the Pay of the Commissioners till 
May 27, 1762." 

1 Rev. Matthew Graves, Episcopal minister of New London, Conn. 


friend that ij have here en can trust ij want your presence en to tak freely to you but yesterday en 
now is not occasie for it, for to hear your meaning in that matter as it is for the prejudice en 
rung the Church ij cannot Consent to it. en ij must mantaine en will man tain the Church of our 
Church, so lang ij can en wath is in mine little power ij shall doe, en will doe, aJlways ij remain 
in hast your friend en well wisher 

with all respect en humble Servant 
P. S. ij hope en think Sir Williams en John Jacob Oel. 

Your Houom- shall be for our churches Seithe adjeu. 
as ij can have an Answer thro of by few lines 
ij shall take it for a great Honour. 
(Addressed) These Letter is directed to the honorable 

Sir Baronet William Johnson overseer 

over the Indien affairs en present 

nowattCunad Schoharrij. 

•,• Mr. Oel was appointed assistant missionary to the Mohawk Indians in 1750. He continned to act in that capacity 
down to the revolution. — Ed. 



New York 7 March 1762. 

Nothing can be more agreeable to me than to Grant any Religious Community such priviledges 
as are in my power ; And, as the Forrage house near the Main Guard is not at present wanted, you 
■will, agreable to the Request of the Presbyterian Congregation, Acquaint them, they have my Leave 
to make use of the said House for their place of worship. 

I am, Sir, your most Obedient Servant, 
Colonel Bradstreet, Jeff : Amherst. 

D Q. M. G. Albany 


Fort Johnson, March 13th 1762. 

Sir Your favor of the 12'i» ultimo. I have received, as I did sometime ago your ans^\ er con- 
cerning the land transmitted by the Lieut Governor, and cannot but consider your proposal as 
very reasonable. 

The experience which I have had of your good character would effectually discredit any asper- 
tions which might be cast upon you. 

I shall at all times pay a due regard to merit, and your recommendation, and therefore cannot but 
approve of Mr. Bennet for his zeal to promote the interest of Religion, where it is so much wanted, 
but at the same time I must observe that it is not in my power to do more than countenance so pious 
an undertaking as there is no allowance for that service, except what is made to Mr. Ogilvie who In 
my opinion should, and I make no doubt will be readily induced to consider the Gentleman's services. 

The Revd. M'. Barclay. I am, &c. 



Philadelphia 5*h april 1762. 

Mr. Peters I am to inform you that I was obliged to take an Indian Guide to shew me the way 

to Wyomink as the whole country was covered with snow and the weather the severest I ever 

knew I agreed to give him three Pounds for himself and his horse and to find provisions for him, 

w<='' with other Expences hath cost me five Pounds this Journey and I hope you will not think five 

pounds too much for my trouble considering how many days it hath taken up and what danger I 

have been in I am 

Sir Your most humble servant David Zisberger. 

Rece'd ten pounds for my Journey with S^ W"". Johnsons Letter to Teedyuscung at Wyomink 

& and bringing his answer to Philadelphia. 

April 5^^ 1762. David Zisberger. 

•»• See Loskiel's Hist, of the Moravian Missions, part ii. 197, for some particulars of this visit. A sketch of Zeisberger'a 
life will be found in Allen's Biog. Diet. — Ed. 


Tuscarora Castle April ye lO'h 1762. 
Most Worth S'. 

Yours I received on the 12 of March Date Jan^y 30*h and Indeed Sf I thank you very kindly 
for the many favours your honour has Been pleased to bestow on me But In Deed S'' mucli more so 
for your last S'". It hapens so that I Cant at this time Come my Self and thefore must rely on your 
own Goodness : but I have sent by as trusty a hand I thinck as any I Could Geet for indeed he seems 
to be the truest to me of any of them and he is a Christian if there is one any where amongst 
them : S''. I owe to the value of three pounds which I have taken up since I begun to teach these 
people : and I have had no opertunity of Earning any thing for myself for these people will give 
nothing. S^ I tell your honor of all that has hapened me. There is here two sorts people the one is 
for the religion and the other is not and that Party is allways striving to hurt me by words and 
some times allmost to the taking of my life but with the help of God I stand it though with Great 
Difficulty and Danger. S"" I have been at onidia and had there 18 Scholars and I haveteached so long 
that the are Come to 4 Shurly s^. you know as well as I that at this Time of the year the are 
scattered Every where, but I believe when the minister Comes there will be a Great many m.ore tliat 
will Learn our tongue, but S^ there has been here at onidia som o the other sort of people which 
told them that the English wanted these to take up with our religion and then the land will be all 
theirs But I have told to the Contrary and tell them that it [is] for the Good of their Souls that the 
English wants to learn them and not for lands for they have land Enough I Beg S"" your honour will 
Give no heed to fals storeys for the bearer of this will [convince] you to your own satisfaction. 

Sr Pray pardon me for being to tedious if your honour Pleaseth to send : if you Pleas to send it by 
the bearer Isaac or his father and one line to let me know what and How mucIi S"" Powder is very 
scears and Provision not very Pleanty if you Pleas to answer this S"" I rest Myself your humble 
Servant. Edward Johnson. 

S"" The Scholers are Gone to hunting and I am Gowing to Isaacs hous at Connosomothdian where 
I believe I shall stay till he Comes back a Gain. 



Tuscarora Castle April y« 10*h 1762. 
Worthy S"" 

this Day Isaac spoake to me to write To your honour Concerning the Christian religion As he 
himself told you : and. as you told him : when He was last at your house Brotlier : Sais he : I am 
now in the very same mind that I was when you Saw me Last and I Do intend to keep tliis same 
rode as Long as God shall Give me life and breath that is witli his assistance : Brother Just before the 
Minister Came here the last Sumer I was moued oft" from this town Something more than half way 
to Connoquaga to a Place Called Connosomothdian Where I have remaind till now. and some few 
Days a Gow the Came tome from Each Castle and Desired me that I should Either Come back or Els 
Gow fororards to Either of tliese two Castles on the Count of Settleing of affars. but knowing 
the Disposion of botli In sliort I Dont like Either tlie told me by a belt of Wampom the town and 
people was mine To Do as I thouglit proper and I think It would be best for them botli to Come to 
me as there is good land Every thing Pleanty there and nothing is Plenty where the now are but rum 
and the all know that I liave Done with that with the help of God. Now I want }our 
advice in this and I shall here what you Say In this case, the say also it is very hard tliat I Dont 
mind them and their w'ays. S^ I think If I may Speak one word that as there is a Division amongst 
tliemselves it would be proper for them that follow the Christian religion to live by themselves. 

S'' Concerning the Stories that your lionour lias hard of me if you pleas to ask this man and he can 
tell you Wlietre it be true or not this from your Loving Brother. Isaac 

and from your humble Servant 

Edward Johnson. 
Sarah the wife of Isaac Gives her kind love to your honour And Desires the favour of a little 
Chocolate if you please. And Slie remains your most Loving Sister till Death 

Sarah Isaac. 


Lebanon 20^^ Aug* 17C2. 

Hon'' Sir. Yours by David, witli tliree Boys, came Safe on Wednesday Evening after he left 
you. The two Smaller of the Ladds seem well contented, love tlieir Book, and make good Profi- 
ciency ; the other seems not to have a Genius for Leirning, and is desirous to return. Joseph and 
the other two are also well, and behave very well. 

David informs me that the Youth of whom I wrote you, and for whom I sent him, viz George 
Haxton was imployed at the Royal Block House at Onoyada Lake by one Reggens a Trader who 
lives at Fort Stanwick, and that M»" Occom informed him, that tlie youtli was inclined to Come but 
his obligations to Reggens, and Reggens' violent opposition to it forbad him for the present, And 
that tlie Youth appears likely to answer our purpose, your Hon"" is most likely to know, and best 
abel of any man to Judge in the afiair. Will you please, sir, to make the Enquiry, and if you 
think favourably of my being at the Expence of fitting him for Interpreter or Missionary, be Instru- 
mental to his coming liither for tliat Purpose. 

In a letter I wrote you last Fall I proposed that if way could be made for setting up of tliis Scliool 
Vol. rv. 26 


in some convenient Place, And the Settlement of three or four Towns round about it, I would 
remove with it, and bring Several Ministers with me of the best Character and take Care to people 
the Place with Inhabitants of known Honesty, Integrity, and such as Love Indians, & will seek tlieir 
Interest, but whether the Letter reached you or not I never heard, or whether you thought it any 
more than a sudden indigested tliought I cant tell, however I should be very glad to hear if there be 
any Probability that such a Design may be EflFected ; If your Hon'' can find Leisure enough amidst 
your weighty affairs to gratify me in the things Avhich I have assumed the Boldness to request of 
you, you will Greatly oblige me and I hope the Nature of the affair and the assurances your Hon' 
has given me of your Friendsliip towards it will be esteemed a suflS^cient excuse for me and that your 
Hon'' will believe that I am with the most sincere Respect. 

your most Obed' and most Hum''i« Serv' 
Sir William Johnson Baronet. Eleazar Wheelock. 


Lebanon September S*-^ 1762. 

Sir, Your Honour has no dou])t been informed of a Legacy of Sir Peter Warren of about Seven 
hundred and fifty Pounds Sterling left in the hands of the Province of the IVIassachusetls Bay, it 
being tlie Sum due to him from that Province, as his Commissions lor their pay from tlie Crown 
for taking Cape Breton some Years ago, and wliich he gave to be by them improved at Six p'' Cent 
for the Education of tlie youth of the Six J\''ations. It has lain unimproved until last Tall, when I 
was in Boston, I was informed of it, and preferred a Memorial to tlie General Assembly there, and 
prayed for the use of it in this Scliool, in answer to which they Voted as you have seen, that I should 
be allowed for the support of Six Youth of the Six Nations, Twelve pounds lawful money for each, for 
one year, and accordingly I have now obtained the Boys, and they are under tlie best advantages if 
they have but tlie Wisdom to improve them. 

But there is since in and about Boston a Society incorporated for Indian Affairs, which includes 
aU tlie Scotish Commissioners, many more to the Number of Eighty, and they have lately found out, 
as I understand by Doc' Chauncy, that the method I am taking is not the best way to promote 
Religion and Learning among the Six JYations, but a much likelier one is, by setting up English 
Schools among them, the Children to live with their Parents, and attend upon the School, their 
Parents to Support them kc, and that they design to apply for the use of said Legacy for that 
purpose, and let these Boys go where they will, but considering the insuccessfulness of schools set 
up thus among the little Tribes in these parts through their want of a due esteem of, and desire 
for Learning, their savage roving disposition, their want of Government amongst themselves, their 
Poverty, their proneness to imbibe prejudices against English masters, especially on acco' of a good 
and necessary Government &c by which means they dont get so much Learning in seven years as 
they do in this School in One, and that notwithstanding their Parents keep much at home, not having 
dependance upon hunting for thier support &c. Gentlemen here are generally, if not universally of 
Opinion that this method is by far preferable at least for the present till a Number of their own 
sons are fitted for School M.istcrs, &c. 

Your Honour best of any man knows what methods have the greatest Probability of Success 
among the Six Nations, and if you think with me that it is best to continue these Boys as they are, 
and will please to write your Mind to Govern^ Bernard with the Reasons of it, I doubt not but as it 


is generally understood that your Uncle designed a Testimony of his Respect to you in that Dona- 
tion, so that Assembly will likely lay great Weight upon what you shall write, and if your Honour 
will please to inclose it to me I can send it direct by the Post. 

And if it were not too great boldness I would ask the favour to know the substance of what you 
write, it may he of some advantage to me. 

I want also to know whether your Honour tliinks it likely that this School may after a while be 
set up in some convenient place near you accommodated with three or four Towns of well chosen 
Inhabitants. I understand that some of our People are about to settle our new Purchase on Sus- 
quahannah River, if it does not disoblige and prejudice the Indians I shall be glad, and it may be if 
that settlement should go on a Door may open for my Design on that Purchase, but your Honour 
has full understiinding of the affair, and interested therein, and I can rely with greater Safety on 
your Judgment and Counsel than any other mans. 

Joseph and the rest of the Boys are well, studious and diligent. I hope you have received a Line 
I sent you a few weeks ago, and that you will be able to send me the English Youth of whom 
I wrote if you esteem him likely and suitable for the Purpose. 

I pray your Honour to excuse the Trouble I so often give you, and believe that I am 

With Sincere Respect Your Honoui-s 

P. S. Being yet weak after a fit of sickness Most obedient and most 

I am obliged to write you by the hand humble servant 

of my Pupil. Eleazer Wheelock. 

Sir William Johnson Baronet. 


Hebron Septeinbr 8'^ 1762. 

Sir The Fame of your Humanity, & Benevolence in general ; and especially, what, I have more, 
lately heard by Mr. Wheelock, of your forwardness to encourage the Indian School, under his care 
emboldens me to trouble your Hon' with a Line, or two, in Favor of that truly noble, & charitable 
Design — and as I am perswaded, you will rejoice at an opportunity to do good to j^our fellow-men, 
advance the Interest of Clirists Kingdom among the Heathen Nations, and more firmly attach them 
to the Crown of great Brittain ; and as I am somewhat concerned, in the Important aftair of s** 
school, so I wo'd now earnestly bespeak your Patronage of it ; not Dou'ting but that you will be 
able in various ways to subserve the truely generous Design. 

Mf Wheelock, having acted hitherto very much alone, in the Important Business, and his true 
character not very univei-sally known ; It appeai-s reasonable, those who encourage him in it, sho'd 
have some proper testimonials of his qualification for it, I tlierefore now take the freedom to transmit 
to you Inclosed in this; a Coppy of a Letter of Recommendation, sent to Mr. Debert, Merchant In 
London ; The perusal, whereof may possibly give you all the satisfaction, at present necessary, and 
excuse from troubling you any further, Him, who is, with the utmost Respect 

Your Honour's most sincere, most obedient, and very Hum'e ser"' 

To Sir William Johnson Baronet. Benjamin Pomroy. 

•,• Rev. Dr. Pomroy, brother-in-law of tho Rev. Eleazer "Wheelock, graduated at Tale in 1733, and was ordained in 1735. 
He served as a Chaplain in the French and Revolutionary wars, and died at Hebron, Dec, 1784, aged 80 years, He is repre- 
sented as one of the best preachers of his day. — Allen. 


[Enclosure In Dr Pomroy's letter.] 

Cliilsea in Norwicli July 10'»> 1762. 
Sir, We Ministers of the Gospel, and Pastors of Cliurches, hereafter mentioned with our Names, 
having for a number of j'^ears past heard of, or seen with pleasure tlie Zeal, Courage, and firm 
Resolution of the Rev' Eleazar Wheelock of Lebanon to prosecute to Effect, a Design of spreading 
the Gospel among the Natives in the Wilds of our America, and especially his Perseverance in it 
amidst the many peculiar Discouragements he had to encounter during the late years of the War 
liere, and upon a Plan which appears to us to have the greatest probability of Success Viz, by 
the Mission of their own Sons ; and as we are verily persuaded that the smiles of divine Provi- 
dence upon his School, and tlie Success of his endeavours hjtlierto, justly may and ought to 
encourage liim, and all, to believe it to be of God and that wliich he will own and succeed for the 
glory of his own great Name in the Enlargement of the Kingdom of our divine Redeemer, as well 
as for the great Benefit of the Crown of Great Britain, and especially of his Majestys Dominions in 
America, so we apprehend the present openings in Providence ought to invite Christians of every 
Denomination to Unite their Endeavours and lend a lielping hand in carrying on the charitable design, 
and we are lieartily sorry if Party Spirit and Party differences shall at all obstnict the Progress of 
it, or the old Leaven in this Land ferment upon this Occasion, and give a watchful adversary Oppor- 
tunity so to turn the course of Endeavours into another Cliannel as to defeat the design of spreading 
the Gospel among the Heathen, to prevent which, and encourage Unanimity, and Zeal in prose- 
cuting the design, we logk upon it our Duty as Christians, and especially as Ministers of the Gospel 
to give our Testimony, that as we verily believe, a disinterested Regard to the Advancement of the 
Redeemer's Kingdom, and the Good of his Majesty's Dominions in America were the governing 
Motives whicli at first induced the Revi M'' Wheelock to enter upon the great affair, and to risk his 
own private Interest as he has done since in carrying it on, so we esteem his Plan to be good, his 
Measures prudently and well concerted, his Endowments peculiar, his Zeal fervent, his Endeavoiu'S 
indefatigable for the accomplishing this design, and we know no Man likeminded wiio will naturally 
care for the State. May God prolong his Life, and make him extensively useful in tlie Kingdom 
of Christ. We have also some of us at his desire examined his Accompts, and find that beside 
giving in all his own Labour and trouble in the Affair, he has charged for the Support, Schooling 
&,ca- of the Youth at the lowest rate it could be done for, as the price of things have been, and 
still is amongst us, and we apprehend the generous Donations already made, have been, and we are 
confident will be laid out in the most prudent manner, and with the best advice lor the furthering 
of the important Design, and we pray God abundantly to reward the liberality of any upon this 
occasion, and we hope the Generosity, especially of Persons of distinction and Note will be a happy 
lead and inducement to still greater liberalities, and in Consequence thereof, the wide extended Wil- 
derness of America will blossom as the Rose, habitations of Cruelty become dwelling places of 
Righteousness, and the blessings of Thousands ready to perish come upon all those, whose Love to 
Christ and Charity to them has been shown upon this Occasion, which is the hearty Prayer of 

Sir Your most sincere Friends and 
humble Servants 
Ebenezer Rossiter, Pastor of the first Chh in Stonington 

Joseph Fish, Pastor of the Second Chh in Stonington 

Nathaniel Whitaker, Pastor of the Church at Chilsea in Norwich 
Benjamin Pomroy, Pastor of the first Church in Hebron 

Elijah Lathrop, Pastor of the Church at Gilead in Hebron 

Nathaniel Eells, Pastor of a Church in Stonington 



Mather Byles, 
Jonathan Barber, 
Mattliew Graves, 
Peter Powers, 
Daniel Kirtlaud, 
Asher Rossiter, 
Jcibez Wiglit, 
David Jewett, 
Benjamin Throop, 
Samuel Mosely, 
Stephen White, 
Richard Salter, 
Timothy Allen, 
Ephraira Little, 
Hobart Eastabrook, 
Joseph Fowler, 
Benjamin Boardman, 
John Norton, 
Benjamin Dunning, 

Pastor of the first Chh in New London 

Pastor of a Clili in Groton 

Missionary at New London 

Pastor of tlie Church at Newent in Norwich 

former Pastor of the Chh at Newent in Norwich 

Pastor of the first Church in Presson 

Pastor of tlie fourth Chh in Norwich 

Pastor of tlie second Chh in New London 

Pastor of a Church in Norwich 

Pastor of a Church in Windham 

Pastor of a Church in Windham 

Pastor of a Churcli in Mansfield 

Pastor of tlie Church at Ashford 

Pastor of the first Chh in Colchester 

Pastor of a Chh in East haddam 

Pastor of a Chh in East haddam 

Pastor of the 4t" Chh of Christ in Middletown 

Pastor of the 6th Chh of Christ in Middletown 

Pastor of a Chh of Christ in Marlborough 
The above and foregoing is a True Copy of the Original examined by us. 

{ Samuel Gray 
( Samuel Kirtland 


Johnson Hall October 16th 1762. 

Sir The other day I was favoured with yours of the 8*h ult" together with a Letter of Recom- 
mendation sent to M'' Debert in London. 

I shall be always ready to do any thing in my power for the public good and the promoting 
knowledge and instruction amongst the Indians, and am very glad to find a Gentleman of your pious 
sentiments and abilities is in some measure concerned in the School with M'" Wheelock concerning 
whom I have always entertained the most favourable Sentiments, and therefore have not the least 
doubt of his Qiialitications for the discharge of that Trust. 

The testimonials in his behalf which you transmitted, deserve all due regard, and shall be con- 
sidered by me as proofs of the Esteem which is paid to his Character. 

I shall at all times be glad to promote so useful a design and heartily wish you success in your 
xmder takings. 

I am Sir Tour well wisher 

and Humble Servant 
The Revd M' Pomroy. Wm. Johnson. 



Johnson Hall Oct^ 16'h 1762. 

Sir I have been favoured with yours of the 8*^ ult°, and agree with you in opinion tliat the 
Indian Children will not improve in their Studys near so much from the method proposed of Erecting 
Schools in their Nations, as they would do according to your plan of Education, whereby they are 
kept out of the way of & uninfluenced by bad Example, but notwithstanding these ray sentiments 
on tha't head I should not chuse to interfere therein as those Gentlemen cannot but observe on due 
consideration the advantages which the one plan hath in preference to the other. 

Whilst the Indians remain in their present Sentiments it will be highly improper to attempt any 
Settlement in their Country as they are greatly disgusted at the great Thirst which we all seem to 
shew for their Lands, and therefore I must give it as my opinion that any Settlement on the Susque- 
hanna River may prove fatal to those who should attempt to Establish themselves thereon, as the 
Indians have all declared not only their great aversion thereto, but have also tlireatned to prevent 
any such Settlement, so that I hope the dangers to which they may be Exposed, togetlier with 
your Governor's proclamation against the same, will induce those concerned to drop their 

When I can find out the English youth you mention, I shall endeavour to comply with your 
request if I find he will answer your purpose. I am glad to hear tliat the Boys prosecute their 
studies with diligence and hope you have perfectly recovered of your late indisposition, as I am 

Sir Your well wisher and very humble Servant 

The Rev*i M"" Wheelock Wm. Johnson. 


respecting a new edition of the INDIAN PRAYER BOOK. 

Johnson Hall Oct' 16"> 1762. 

Dear Sir When I was last at New York I acquainted you with my design of having a new Edition 
of the Indian Prayer Book printed of which you were pleased to undertake the inspection. 

I now therefore herewith transmit you the old Edition, which as it wanted the Singing Psalms, I 
therefore send you such of them in Manuscript as I have been able to procure, together with the 
Communion Service, & Public Baptism of Infants &c. which they would be desirous to have inserted, 
as also some Prayers of the propriety of which you are the most proper Judge, you will therefore 
please to do therein as you shall Judge best. 

You will please to direct that there be printed 400 Setts on a better type, and paper than that of 
tho Former and as the Square Figure of that Edition rendered it somewhat inconvenient the present 
may make a handsome small Octavo. 

In order to bestow on principal People, I would chuse to have 20 Setts out of the beforementioned 
400 printed on a fine Paper & type and neatly bound. Lettered on the back and gilt, of two Setts of 
which I must beg your acceptance, & that you wiU make any alterations or additions which you 
may think necessary thro'out the work ordering the same to be bound in such manner as you shall 
judge most fitting. 


I am convinced )'ou will have particular pleasure in taking under your inspection a performance 
calculated for the instruction of the ignorant, & the promoting of Christianity which wdtli my expe- 
rience of your abilities are the principal inducem^^ to offer you this trouble by recommending the 
whole to your care. I am, 

The Rev<J D"" Barclay with Sincerity, Dear Sir, &c. 


Lebanon 20'h Jan" A D 1763. 

Sir The inclosed from M"^ Charles Jeffery Smith' is not the Fruit of an Enthusiastic turn of Mind 
or any Freak of a heated Imagination, but the Result of much Deliberation & good Advice ; and 
your Hon' may depend upon it as such. 

He is a young Gentleman of about 22 years of age. He received the Honours of our College five 
years ago ; and has obtained a good and unblemished Character. He had the offer of the Place and 
Office of a Tutor in our College last Fall but refused it for the sake of teaching this Indian School 
gratis. He is the only son of his Father, who lived at Brook Haven on Long Island, and there 
died about 15 years ago. And the estate left to this young Gentleman, he supposes to be sufficient 
to support himself and an Interpreter in the Business of a Missionary among the Indians, to which 
Purpose he seems inclined to devote it. I esteem him remarkably turn'd for that Business. And 
make no doubt yoiu" Hon'" w'ill liave much satisfaction in him wlien you shall have oi")portunity 
to know his worth by personal acquaintance with him ; for I tliink you will find tlie amiable 
Characters of a Gentleman, a Scholar, and a Christian very agreably meeting in him. 

And the poor Heatlien will not have occasion to object against him as they have done against some 
" that he loves liimself and his money more than tlie Indians." 

Josepli and the rest of the Boys from your Quarter are all well and make good Progress in 
Learning. I was much discouraged with the bigest Abraham for some Time, but he does very well 
of late. 

Joseph is indeed an excellent youth, he has much indeared himself to me, as well as to his 
Master, and every body else, by his good Behaviour, When M"^ Smith first proposed to me his 
taking him for his Interpreter, I opposed it, fearing it would obstruct his Studies, and expose him 
to get into a, roving unsettled State ; but upon further Consideration I am of Opinion it will be best, 
as M^ Smith is apt and able to teach, and proposes to bed and board with him. If it should prove 
otherwise and be a mean to prevent his pursuing his Studies afterwards I shall be very sorry. 

I very Thankfully acknowledge the Receipt of yours by M'' Kingsley, but your Letter to Joseph 
which you mention in that to me, never arrived, nor can I guess what was the Fate of it. 

My School now consists of 25, who depend wholly upon the Charities of Gods people for their 
support, and if the Hearts of Gentlemen sliall continue open to contribute supplies for it, we must 
in a little Time determine where to fix it in order to build conveniently for it. 

1 Rev. C. J. Smith was a desrendant of Col. William Smith of St. George's Manor, L. I. It is surmised that his father 
was Henry S., who died in 1747. He was ordained at Lebanon in June, 1763, and was ordered to proceed to Onohoghquage 
as a missionary, but he had not time to effect much good in that quarter, as his labors were interrupted by the Pontiac 
war. He returned in consequence, and went to Brookhaven where he resided in 1766. He afterwards itinerated in the south 
and was very successful as a preacher among the colored population of Virginia. He devoted much of his means to charitable 
purposes. Eo. 


Goveruour Wentwortli has offered a Tract of Land in tlie western part of the Province of New 
Hampshire which he is now settling, for the use of it if we will fix it there. And there has been 
some Talk of fixing it in one of the New Townships in tlie Province of the Massacliusetts which lie 
upon New York Line near Albany. But whether either of those Places, or liere where it now is 
will be best for the Furtherance of the general Design, is not yet determined. I nmch want to 
consult your Honour in the Affair, but must wait upon providence, and remain with sincere 
esteem and respect. Your Honours 

Most obedient, and Most Humble Servant 

Sir William Johnson Baronet. Eleazar Wheelock. 

April. 10. 1763. 

This Letter has lain by waiting for an opportunity till now, and what the fate of it will be I cant 
tell. Your Two to Joseph came as he informs jon. had the former came seasonably he should 
likely have gone with Kirtland to N. Jersey College, but I apprehend it is, all tilings considered, 
better as it is, I purpose to take him with me to Portsmouth about 160 miles this Spring and would 
not have you expect him till June when M'". Smith Designs to take the journey with him. 

I am Yours ut ante 

E. Wheelock. 


Lebanon January 18*'' A. D. 1763. 

Sir Though I have not the Honor of personal Acquaintance with you, yet the important and 
repeated services you have done Your Country, have long made me acquainted with Your Charecter, 
which sliines witli such distinguished Lustre in the Annals of Fame. 

Yet I should not presume to give you this Trouble, was I not moved and emboldened hereto, by 
an Affair of some Importance, the Execution of which depends much on Your Honours Approbation. 

This Necessity I hope your Candour will admit as a sufficient Excuse, for tlie Liberty a Stranger 
takes in writeing to you : and therefore without further Apology I beg Leave to lay tlie Afikir 
before you. 

I propose next Summer to take an excursion into the Mohawk Country as a Missionary; and being 
a stranger to the Indian Dialect, I must of Consequence improve an Interpreter, having spent some 
Time here as a schoolmaster, (with that worthy Gentleman and eminent Friend of Indians The 
Rev^ M''. Wheelock) I have contracted an intimate Acquaintance with Joseph who I understand is 
high in your affection and esteem, and has the Wisdom and Prudence to resign himself to your 
Direction and Conduct — as He is a promising Youth, of a sprightly Genius, singular Modesty, and 
a Serious Turn, I know of none so well calculated to answer my End as He is — in which Design 
He woud very Willingly and cheerfully engage shoud Your Honour consent to and approve of it. 

He has so much endeared Himself to me by his Amiable Deportment ; his Laudable Thirst after 
and Progress in Learning: that did I not apprehend this woud be as beneficial to Him, as advanta- 
geous to me, I shoud neitlier desire his Assistance nor solicit Yom- Approbation. 

but I apprehend I can much sooner perfect Him in the English Language, and better instruct Him 
in whatever He shall have occasion to learn, when he is constantly with me, and I can devote 
myself so much more to his Service, than when in the School where a large Number are to be taken 

caje of in conjunction with Him — and perhaps this woud be a Spur to Him, as well as an additional 
Motive witli Me, to take particular Pains in accomplishing Him for such a Service, and so the 
general Design of His Education be rather forwarded than retarded. 

Shoud Your Honour acquiesce in, and approve of the Proposal, I shoud immediately take upon 
me the whole Expence of his Education ; and so long as he serves in the Character of an Inter- 
preter, woiild allow him a genteel Reward. 

The present Excursion is designed only for a few months, after which He can return again to 
this School, so that I imagine if its of no Advantage, it can be but of little disadvantage to Him. but 
if there slioud be farther occasion for Him and it shoud be agreable to You to have Him con- 
tinued in such a Service, I ti-ust that I shall do Honourably by Him. 

If Your Honour w^oud be pleased to acquaint me with Your Sentiments relative hereto, it woud 
be received as a Favour, And acknowledged with Gratitude by Him, who, relying on Your Candour 
to excuse the Prolixity, and pardon the Inaccuracies of this Letter, begs Leave in the most Re- 
spectful Manner to Subscribe Himself 

Your Honours most Obedient Humble Servant 

Sir William Johnson. Charles Jeffrv Smith. 



Rev^ Sir I crave your Pardon for not answering you sooner relating to the Prayer Book: — The 
Government Work laid heavy on my Hands at the Time you sent it; but having now dispatch'd 
it, can begin upon the Book as soon as Sir William thinks proper to engage at the Prices and form 
mentioned. I am, Sir, 

N. York, April 2^ 1763. Your obliged, Humble Servant, 

To Dr Barclay. Wm. Weyman.I 

1 William Wetman was son of the rector of the Episcopal church at Oxford, Philadelphia Co., Pa. He served his time to 
"Wm. Bradford in Philadelphia, and id Jan. 1753 became a partner of John Parker of New York. Weyman managed the con- 
cerns of this firm which published a newspaper called the N. Y. Gazette or Weekly Post Boy, and several books. A piece 
entitled " Observations on the Circumstances and Conduct of the people in the counties of Ulster and Orange in the Prov'ce of 
New York," from the pen of the Rev. Hezekiah W'atkins of Newburgh, having appeared in the paper of the 15th March, 
1765, the Assembly on whose conduct it reflected, took umbrage and summoned the printers to their bar. Weyman alone 
appeared at first, but Parker came into town immediately and surrendered himself to the Sergeant at Arms, but on petition 
they were shortly afterwards discharged. Watkins was Missionary of the Society for Propagating the Gospel ; on being 
arrested by order of the House in the course of the following year, he acknowledged himself the author of the piece, was 
reprimanded and discharged. In Jan. 1759, Weyman's partnership with Parker was dissolved, and on 16th Feb. he com- 
menced the publication of the N. Y. Gazette, which was printed on a crown sheet every Monday. In Nov. 1760, he became 
public printer, and was appointed to print Smith & Livingston's edition of the Laws. In Nov. 1760 he printed in his paper 
the address of the Assembly to Gov. Moore, in which the House said, among other things, " Your Excellency has done us no 
more than justice in supposing that we will cheerfully co-operate with you." Weyman by some blunder omitted the little word 
" no," and for this was arraigned again before the representatives of the people. He threw the blame on one of his journey- 
men, but was unable to prove the allegation. He was dismissed on asking pardon, and promising to be more careful for the 
future.* Parker, his late partner, having been appointed post-mas'er at New York, is accused by Weyman of suppressing 
the copies of the Gazette placed in the P. 0. for distribution. Whether this was true or not, the circulation of his paper fell 
off to such an extent that it ceased to be published Dec. 28, 1767. Its proprietor did not long survive it. On the 15th January 
following he resigned his office as public printer and after a lingering illness, which had for some time rendered him incapable 
of business, he died in New York on the 18th July 1768. It appears by one of the letters in this series, that he died 
bankrupt. Ed. 

• The Journal of the Agsembly of the Prov. of New York for the Session of 1766, being unfortunately omitted in the printed edition, we 
have no means of comparing the above statement (made in Thomas's Hist, of Printing) with the Votes of the House. 

Vol. IV. 27 



Lebanon, Connecticut, April 2, T763. 
May it please your Excellency, 

The narrative herewith inclosed, gives your Excellency some short account of the success of my 
feeble endeavours, through the blessing of God upon them, in the aflfair there related. 

Your Excellency will easily see, that if the number of youth in this school continues to increase, 
as it has done, and as our prospects are that it will do, we shall soon be obliged to build to accom- 
modate them, and accordingly to determine upon the place where to fix it. And I would humbly 
submit to your Excellency's consideration the following proposal, viz. 

That a tract of land, about fifteen or twenty miles square, or so much as shall be sufficient for four 
townships, on the west side of Susquehanna River, or in some other place more convenient, in the 
heart of the Indian country, be granted, in favor of this School. The said townships be peopled 
with a chosen number of inhabitants of known honesty, integrity, and such as love and will be kind 
to, and honest in their dealings with Indians. 

That a thousand acres of, and within said grant, be given to this school. And that the School 
be an Academy for all parts of useful learning ; part of it to be a College for the education cf mis- 
sionaries, interpreters, school masters, &c.; and part of it a school to teach reading, writing, &c. 
And that there be manufactures for the instruction both of males and females, in whatever shall be 
useful and necessary in life, and proper tutors, masters, and mistresses be provided for the same. 
That those towns be furnished with ministers of the best characters, and such as are of ability, when 
incorporated with a number of the most understanding of the inhabitants, to conduct the atfairs of 
the school, and of such missions as they shall have occasion and ability for, from time to time. That 
there be a sufficient number of laborers upon the lands belonging to the school ; and that the students 
be obliged to labor with them, and under their direction and conduct, so much as shall be necessary 
for their health, and to give them an understanding of husbandry. And those who are designed 
for farmers, after they have got a sufficient degree of school learning, to labor constantly, and the 
school to have all the benefit of their labor, and they the benefit of being instructed therein, till 
they are of an age and understanding sufficient to set up for themselves, and introduce husbandry 
among their respective tribes. And that tliere be a moderate tax upon all the granted lands, after 
the first ten or fifteen years, and also some duty upon mills, &c. which shall not be burdensome to the 
inhabitants, for the support of the school, or missionaries among the Indians, &c. 

By this mean much expence,and many inconveniences occasioned by our great distance from them, 
would be prevented, our missionaries be much better supported and provided for, especially in 
case of sickness, &c. Parents and children be more contented, being nearer to one another, and likely 
many persuaded to send their children for an education who are now dissuaded from it, only on 
account of the great distance of the school from them. 

The bearer, Mr. Charles Jeffrey Smith, is able if your Excellency desires it, to give you a more 
full and particular account of the present state of this School, having been for some time the master 
and instructor of it, and is now designed with the leave of Pi'ovidence, the ensuing summer, to 
make an excursion, as a missionary among the Indians, with an interpreter from this school. And by 
him your Excellency may favour me with your thouglus on what I have proposed. 

I am with sincerest duty and esteem May it please your Excellency 

your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant, 

Er-EAZAR Wheelock. 




Johnson Hall Apri 29«> 1763. 

Sir, I have been favored with yours of the 12* inst. which needed no Apology as I never in the 
least doubted your assiduity and inclination to forward a Work which I flatter myself will under 
your inspection prove of great utility to the propagation of Christian knowledge. 

I herewith Enclose you the plan which I most approve of for the Size & Quantity of the Book 
the same being much more portable than the other, and must therefore request you will give 
directions accordingly, and that you will likewise be so good as to give such Necessary Assistances 
therein as you shall Judge Expedient, for which purpose Capt Clans has sent you the Old Printed 
Book, as also that any other Offices &c which you can afford may be inserted for rendering the 
present Edition more Compleat than the former. 

I am glad you approve of my Sentiments concerning the Missionaries which are not only very 
Requisite amongst the Indians, but will tend to advance the Established Church which is in great 
want of a proper support in these parts. I am &c. 

D' Barclay. 


Hartford May 16th i763. 
Sir, May it please your Honour, 

^ I received last Evening a Paper with your Seal inclosing a Letter to Joseph from his Sister ; ' wrote, 
I suppose in the Moliawk Language ; and by which he informs me, he is ordered to come directly 
home ; that the Indians ai-e displeased with his being here at School, that they don't like the People 
&c, which has occasioned no small Exercise to my Mind, and many Turnings of Thoughts what 
should be the Occasion or meaning of it. 

In my last to you, I informed you of the truly noble, and charitable Design of M"" Charles Jeffry Smith 
(who has been Joseph's Tutor last winter), his Purpose to come with Joseph to you as soon as he 
could get ready for the Business of his proposed Mission, and that I designed to take Joseph with 
me to Boston & Portsmouth &c, and that you might expect him in June &c but whether you have 
received that Letter with others from M"" Smith and Joseph I don't learn, but suppose it likely you 
ha'n't yet received them. And inasmuch as there was nothing wrote to me manifesting your 
Pleasure in the Affair, I presume your Honour did not know the Contents of the Inclosed though it 
came under your Seal ; and how to conduct in the Affair I am at a great Loss — M"" Smith is now gone 
to New York &c to prepare for his Mission ; I expect him back soon, and if he comes & finds Joseph 
gone, whom he depends upon for a Pilot & Companion he will be greatly disappointed, and I fear 
will think himself very ungratefully treated. Joseph is rendered so very uneasy, for fear of gaining 
the Displeasure of his Friends, that I am doubtful whether it will do to detain him, and to send him 
alone wiU not be well, be sure on Foot, and to send a Horse with him may give him much Trouble 
to return him. Nor have I any intimation of any valuable End that may be served by his going 

1 Molly Brant, Sir W. Johnson's " honsekeeper." Ed. 



before the Time proposed — And as Joseph- desires to put himself under your Honour's Conduct, as 
what he apprehends most safe & prudent for him to do, so 1 should be glad your Honour would as 
explicitly as you please let me know your Pleasure, And upon the whole think it advisable to detain 
Joseph (if lie Avill be content to stay), till I receive your Honour's Pleasure, or till the Time appointed 
for his coming by M"^ Smith. 

And I am with Sincere Respect & Esteem 

Your Honour's most obedient humble Serv* 
Sir William Johnson. Eleazar Wheelock. 


New York, May 23, 1763. 

Sir, This morning, Mr. Smith delivered me your letter of the 21st [2^] April, with the narrative 
enclosed, which I have perused. The design is a very commendable one, and I should be extremely 
happy in having it in my power, to be any ways instrumental in civilizing the Indians, and promot- 
ing seminaries of learning in this country ; but as the disposal and settlement of the conquered lands 
in America must be determined by His Majesty, and that there is reason to beleive the same is now 
under consideration at home ; I can only advise you to make application there ; for I have no 
authority whatever, to dispose of any lands in this country. You cannot have a better patron than 
the nobleman to whom you have dedicated your narrative, and I shall be very glad to hear that your 
application is attended with success. 

I am. Sir, Your most obedient servant, 

Rev. Eleazar Wheelock, Jeffry Amherst. 


Rev^ Sir I am so crampt in Time that I cannot give You a particular answer to yours of the First 
Instant. I know not how to advise M^ Bennet' to go amongst the Indians in this unsettled state 
of things amongst Them. I am in hopes we shall hear better acc'*^ soon. I cannot find that the 
Mohawks approve of the Measures taken by the other Indian Nations, but some people suspect 

1 Mr. Bennet was originally master of the first school, established iu 1741, in connection with the Episcopal Church at 
Newport, K. I. The Abstract of the Soc. for Prop, the Gospel, for 1765, referring to him says " By a letter from Mr. Cor- 
nelius Bennet, Catechist to the Mohawk Indians, inclosed in a letter from the Revd. Mr. Apthorp, dated 12 March, 1764, we 
learn that Mr. Bennet has entered upon the work of instructing the Indians, and has a fine company of children under his 
care, who are very orderly and ingenious. They hear prayers morning and evening, learn to read English, are catechised in 
the Mohawk Tongue, taught obedience to their parents, the observation of the Lords day. Respect to their Superiors, and a 
courteous behaviour to all. This, he says, is the only English school ever known here, and may by a divine blessing, sooth 
and mollify their wild fierce Tempers. The parents are so well pleased with their children's Improvement that they send them 
for Instruction from an Indian Town 30 miles up the River. As there is no Physician near, Mr. Bennet visits the poor Indians 
when they are sick and infirm, and supplies them with Medicines, by which means their minds are still more co ciliated 
towards the English. Mr. Apthorp recommends him to the continuance of the Societies Favour as a person well qualified for 
the service he has undertaken." Rev. Mr. East Apthorp was the Society's Missionary at Cambridge, Mass., which charge he 
resigned at the date of the above letter, and returned to England, were he died in 1816- Mr. Bennet did not continue long 
among the Mohawks, for hs name does not appear on the Society's lists in cdniiectioh with them after this date. — Ed. 


them. As to the Boston Commissioners, 'tho' I could have wished the Society had been before hand 
with them, yet, as you say, I cannot see how we can refuse their offer. Please therefor in your 
Letter to them to signify My assent to their proposal. I have not time to write to M'' Bennet now 
but shall as soon as I have a certain ace" of the State of Things amongst the Indians. If he ven- 
tures, I shall comply with my proposal as to Lodging and Board, till such Time as I conclude a 
Bargain with Sir William Johnson who is treating with me for my Farm, fur a Glebe for the Indian 
Missionary, as I have before informed you please inform M'' Bennet of this. 

As to the printing my letter to M' Apthorp, with Your piece, I should have no objection, if it 
were not that I suspect mine to the Society in answer to Smith may still be published. Besides I 
have not a copy of it for I had no time to take one. I am however willing to do any thing You 
Shall judge useful. I am with usual Compliments. 

Rev Sir Yours affectionately 

Augs» 8 1763. Henry Barclay. 

P. S. I have had a long letter from Rye intimating M'' Palmers' unwillingness to give up that 
Mission for N. Haven, and a growing dissaffection to Mr. Punderson at Rye^" M' Cooper was at 
Westchester on Sunday last and tells me he hears Mr. Punderson is endeavoring to make Interest 



Revd Sir 

I send a 2"^ Proof to be revised by you. — I apprehend ye Corrections on our Side be not so exact 
as I could wish. — Please to peruse it a 2»i Time. — We are put to prodigious Difficulty to print such 
Language (in form) in North America, where we have not the Command of a Letter-Maker^ s found- 
ing-House to suit ourselves in y* particular Sorts required, such as — g's — Ws — yh — &c. — ^c. when had 
it been in y^ English Tongue, we could make mucli greater Dispatch, — but at present 'tis absolutely 

1 Revd. Mr. Palmer was originally a Dissenting Minister of New England. He went to England with strong recommen- 
dations from the Revd. Dr. Johnson and other clcrgj^men, and was ordained by the Bishop of Bangor in 1754. On his return 
he became missionary of the towns of New Milford, Sharon and Litchfield, Conn. In 17G1, he was removed at his own request, 
to Amboy, N. J. On the recommendation of Dr. Johnson he was appointed successor to Mr. Wetmore at Rye, in 1763. But 
the congregation at this place preferred the Revd. Mr. Punderson, and the Society was requested to change Mr. Palmer, 
■which it declined. " The people at Rye (says the Archb. of Canterbury, writing to Dr. J., March 1763.) may rcfiue him if 
they will, and take the maintenance of Mr. Punder.son on themselves, and we shall be very well pleased." The difficulty 
■was settled apparently, for we find Mr. Palmer at New Haven in 1764. In 1769, he was missionary at Litchfield and Great 
Barrington. His death is supposed to have occurred in 1772, for Mr. Mosely is mentioned as Missionary at Litchfield 
in 1773.— Ed. 

2 Ebenezer Pcjjderson, graduated at Yale Coll. in 1720, and was a Congregational Minister at Groton, Conn. He con- 
formed to the Church of England about the year 1732. Having received orders in London in 1734, he organized a congrega- 
tion, on his return, in Norwich, at the village of Poquetanuck about the year 1738 His name appears on the Society's li.sts as 
" Itinerant Missionary in Connecticut," until 1753, when he was settled in the church of N. Haven, the place of his nativity. 
In the spring of 1763, being succeeded by the Rev. John Bcardslee, he took charge of the Church of Rye, AVestchester Co., 
and officiated there and in the adjoining towns until the following year, when he died (22d Sept.) aged 60 years. — Ed. 


impossible, — I having been obliged to borrow sundry Letters from my brother Printers even to 
complete this present half sheet, wlien I have as complete an office to print English as any of them. — 
For these Reasons, I trust neitlier yourself, or Sir William, will condemn me for neglect, — adding, 
withal, the Difficulty of keeping a Journeyman to his Duty. 

I am, Sir, Your obliged Hi'ie Servant, 
Oct^ 20, 1763. Wm. Weyman. 


Conajoharie December 29'h 1763. 

Sir ! The good opportunity I have by M^ William Seeber my friend, gives me encouragement to 
trouble your Honour with these few Lines, to beg the favour of sending me by him a bottle of brandy 
& some Raisins, wliicli your Honour would liave send long ago, if you had a good opportunity, as I 
am resolved to Trye tliat Cure with old Peer, I have drank this 4 weeks an ugly Drink of what the 
Germans Call Longe Kraut, which grows on the white oak Trees, & this Decoctum makes me Cough 
up more as ever I did, but my breath goes freer & Stronger, Doctor Stringer has send me 2 boxes 
of pills which I used, I can not say of any great effect they did, Seeng that all will not do, I shall Try 
Peer & then leave of, My Strength goes away with my flesh, for all have I good Stomach & appetite 
like a Man that is wel, I did leave of for a while preaching, which neglect I thougt made me siker 
as I was, therefore have don my Service last holydays & was wel afterwards, the only thing what 
troubles me so much, is cold I can hardly get a warm foot in a Day, if I set upon the Stoaf, which 
occasioned great head ague. So that I was several times in a bad Condition for that Complaints 
sake, I have no warm Cloathing & my house is vere cold & most open, & so poor in cash &c: that I 
can not for this time supply this Want, your Honour would oblige your old faithfull Servant, if 
you would Trust him a cupple new planckets for making a new, warm Coat, to cover his Cold sick 
poor body, till he shall turn wel or able to Do Your Honour satisfaction for them 

I furder must Complaint to your Honour out of my Lazareth that Wicked Ury Clok has puzzled 
into the Eears of Some people upon the land called the Switzer mount, that your Honour had ordered 
me to make them all sign a bond for all the Costs which would arise from that Action, under the 
Name of a petition. Which your Honor know as wel as I that never such a thing has been don, the 
ignorant people have most Eaten up my little flesh & bones, which I thought they would tare in 
pieces, would it not been good that Clok should be paid once for his Devilish seditious humour 1 

Finally do I wish your Honour & the whole your Noble Family a blessed & happy Exodum to this 
most Ended year, & a prosperous Transitum & over step into the New year near by. The God of heaven 
& Eart Grant your Honour upon a New His Godly Patronage, favour Mercy, Wisdom, Strength & 
all Requisita, with which he has been pleased to Endow your Person this Manny Years to the best of 
Land & Church, as a faithfull Servant unto his Master the king, & that when your Days are spent, 
that I may have the pleasure to See you with this My Eyes in the Rest & happiness to Come after 
this Troublesome Life, So wishes he, who Dyes 

Sir Your Honours 

Most Dutifull Servant 

JoH. Casp: Lappius. 
V. D. M. 

P. S. My Neighboor John Abeel Acts the Mad man. 



Sir I am Extreemly sensible, and very readily acknowledge, the great honour you have done 
me, by your late obliging Letter. Every part thereof breath politeness, Witt and Generosity ; An 
open heart and Sincere, all declares the man of honour, and shews Monsieur le Chevallier Johnson. 
I have no Terra ; no Expression can avail me, to render (or speak) all I naturally feel, at the 
sight of so noble, so generous a proceeding. I had not heretofore the honour to be acquainted 
with the English Nation. Born in the midst of France without being natural Subject of the 
French King, I had hitherto hardly known any but Frenchmen. But how truly can I affirm that I 
never have seen in any one of them, any thing that approach in the least, of or Like that noble 
generosity, (or the great characteristick of the English,) so Remarkable amongst the English. I 
have followed that Nation Step by Step, Ever since the conquest of Canada, and I confess tliat I cannot 
recover my surprise. What hath made the greatest Impression on my mind, is that fund of In- 
tegrity, which nothing can alter : that disinterestedness, which is above what ever I can say in its 
praise. If New England had been so unfortunate as to become the prey of the French, it had time 
to shed Tears, or to Mourn and bewail its lamentable fate. And Canada Taken by tlie English, daily 
bless its Destiny, yes, I daily hear the Canadians wishing Joy to one another, and congratulating 
themselves, that they have been taken by General Amherst, and are governed by tlie respectable 
heros tliat commands there, this day. This, I have had the honour to declare to Gen' Hamerst, last 
winter in my Letters, and will notecase to proclaim the same to the world, wilst I liave Being. 

These generous proceeding have so far gained Upon me, tliat I liave not hesitated on moment, but 
Gave general Amherst all the knowledge and Lights, which my Stay in Canada, and my connections, 
Especially, with the late French generals, have enabled me to procure. These papers are of the 
utmost consequence. You'll Judge thereof on their Titles. You shall hereafter be acquainted with 
the motives, wliich obliges me to declare them (that is, the contents of the papers,) to you. The 
first packet contained a discourse directed to Gen' Hamerst, wherein I sliew him, what it would be 
right for England to Insist on, and do. Whether, at the Next peace to be made, Canada be returned 
to the French, or no. There is many things in this discourse regarding the Indians, Especially the 
Abenakis and the Iroquois, who may be called English Indians, and whom it would be very practica- 
ble to bring back again into their Ancient habitations, let the Event ot the war be what it will, that 
is to say, the one Nation in Acadia, and the other among the Six Nations. I show therein the means, 
and at tlie same time declare the Immense Benefit, that would Accrue to the British commerce, 
from this kind of Transmigration. I am so bent for that same, that if Canada be restored to the 
French, and Gener' Amherst, from whom I daily Expect an Answer to some former Letter, don't 
give me a Call, I will certainly quit the Contry. 

The second packet contained Instructions from M' Montcalm to divers Minimes of France, to the 
mihimes of the Marine, to the plenipotentiaries Intended to be sent to the future congress for the 
General peace, to the future governoer of Canada, And finally to the Intendants. 

The third and last packet contained a code of Civil Law adapted for the governm' of Canada, 
which M' de Moncahn had at his leasure houres originally projected and drawn, this last work is 
not perfect, and altho I daily work thereon, it cannot be so soon finished, the truth is, that having 
unhapily lost a part of my papers in my frequent Travels, I must supply what is wanting. This 
is the matter contained in these papers, which had the honour to remit to General Amherst, and 
concerning which I Expect a decisive Answer. If these papers concerned you in the least, I would 



gladly transmit them to you, but I could not very soon comply, because, besides the Extraordinary 
length of tlie contents of these papers, I am now busy in completing the Canadian Code of Civil law, 
but I should have remitted you indeed the discourse to General Amherst, wherein Are contained 
many Anecdotes relating to the Indians. You will be so kind to Signify your pleasure on this 
Subject, and you shall be obeyed. 

Could I but obtain the honour of waiting on you, I would more fully apprise you, with the 
whole Matter of fact ; and I assure you that if that was intirely left to my choice, I should soon 
olfer myself into your presence, but I have not been able hetherto to obtain leave of the government, 
to undertake such a Journey. They have rather been pleased to order my Stay at S* Francois, 
where indeed I have been protected against a multitude of Enemies, Especially my Brethren, the 
Jesuits ; who have proclaimed open war against me, but thank to god, I have found my good protec- 
tion amongst those of the English Nation. My Indians cannot set out for your place these ten 
days, poverty hath lengthened their hunting Season, and is the real cause of this delay ; which 
Excuse, I pray you to accept for your self, and to cause it, to be accepted of also, by the Loups and 
the Six Nations. They will on return bring me your Answer and what may be your pleasure in 
regard to what I have had the honour to impart to you above. 

I Long to find some signal opportunity, I don't say to prove you my gratitude ; a man of that 
little account, as I am ; is not capable of doing it in a manner worthy of you. but at least, to show 
you some part of that most Sincere respect and attachment which I have for your person. I never 
was fortunate in my whole life, and I told it to myself a thousand times, that I was not born to be 
the happy Man. But I have erred ; & I am happily convinced thereof from the moment I got into your 
acquaintance, and gained your friendship. The friendship of a gentleman like you, is a fortune of 
Superior value, tis a good so transcendant, that I don't think I have ever procured myself so 
valuable a one since I was born. I dare to subjoin. Sir, that I am not all together Unworthy, and 
that if I merit such distinction, I merritt it by these sentiments of respect devotion and atttach- 
ment which will End with my Life. This is my way of thinking, it is the heart that dictates all I 
write, therefore pardon my spinning this Letter to such unusuall length. When the heart is Engaged 
with a person thoroughly Esteemed, it hath always some thing new to Impart. 

I eagerly wait for your Answer, as I hope it may decide something in my favour, and will perhaps 
procure me the honour and pleasure of waiting on you soon, according to my wishes. 

I am with great Respect &c. 


Canajohary March ye 22^ 1764. 
Brother Waronghyage 

The most Part of the Indians here in our Castle have consented and agreed that I should instruct 
their children to read and write, I do also consent to perform the same if they entirely agree to it. 
I think it would be good also if you would advise them to act in Pursuance thereof. Some of them 
like me well enough, but will not approve of having their children chastised if they do 111. I would 
have you to write to me how I am to act in this Affair, that I might acquaint them what is your 
Pleasure in this Respect. I am very certain that some take great Delight in having their children 
instructed, and taught to read and write, and for such I shall use more than common zeal to 
perform the Trust in me reposed. I wish you could send me two of our printed Books, for I want 


them very much for two of my Scholars that are pretty fur advanced in their Learning, please to 
send them with my Father or Mother I am very scarce of Paper, I wish you could assist me in 
that, as also with some Quills to make Writing Pens. 

Please to send with my Mother the ten Pounds wh=i> I have with you yet, and I shall remain 
your Brother, Philip Jonathan. 



New York, Sept 17^ 1764. 

Sir, Your favour of August 22^ 17G4, I received and duly complied with your Orders toucliing 
y*" advertisement, by inserting it in y« other News Papers of this City, besides my own. 

Your Excellency's request with Regard to the Indian Prayer Book, I can only answer by saying 
That the long Indisposition and Death of D'' Barclay (which since y^ writing of yours no doubt 
you heard of) put a total Stop to its Progress, more than you have now inclosed, it not being in our 
Power to revise or correct it at any Rate ; so tliat 'twill require your appointment of some proper 
Person to overlook it as we proceed in y® Composition. Before the Doctor's Death he told me y« 
Copy he had was vastly eroneous, which took him up a good deal of time to correct, still doubtfull 
of his own Capacity, having not studied y« Language much since his Call here ; and partly had for- 
got it, but was determined to do his best — adding witlial, That there was some Gentleman (he 
mentioned liis name to me but I forgot it) who had a more pei-fect Copy than his, and who under- 
stood ye Language at this time better than he did ; — I think he told me it was your Son, or one by 
ye Name of Claus, or Closser wlio then was absent at Quebeck, Montreal, or some otlier distant Part 
back of you, or y^ D'' would liave wrote to liave got it ; and whether he ever signify'd it to you I 
cannot tell. Thus it rests. I have one half sheet of y^ D'"''' correcting in hand ; ye Remainder of y"* 
Copy is at his Widdow's, wliich I could obtain at your Request, and deliver it to any Person you 
chuse sliould have ye Correction of it and ye work shall proceed directly, and be finished. 

I am, Your Excellency's Much obliged H'''e Servant 

Wm Weyman. 


Lebanon 24fh Oct^ 1764. 
Sir The Commissioners of a Bord of Corrispondents, lately formd by a Comission of tlie Honi^'" 
Society in Scotland for Propagating christian knowledge, some time ago sent M"^. Occum,' to meet 
Your Honour, on Your Return from your late Tour to Lake Erie, in Hopes he might meet You 

1 Samson Occom, an Indian clergyman, was born at Mohegan, near Korwich, Conn., in the year 1723. He was the first 
Indian pupil educated at Lebanon, by the Rev. Mr. Wheelock, with wliom he entered in 1742, at the age of 19, and remained 
with him 4 j-ears. In 1748 he taught school in New London, and about the year 1755, went to the east end of Long Island, 
where he opened a school for the Shenccock Indians. He was ordained by the Suffolk Presbytery in August, 1759. In Jan. 
1761, he visited the Oneidas, and in 1766 was sent by Mr. Wheelock to England with Mr. Whittaker, the Minister of Norwich, 
in order to promote the interests of Moor's School, as Mr. Wheelock's in.stitution at Lebanon was called. As Occum was 
the first Indian preacher that visited England, he attracted large audiences and preached between three and four hundred 
eermons. About £1 ,000 were collected for establishing Schools among the Americin Aborigines. This was placed in the 
Vol. IV. 2S 


before the Panics from reraoi^ Tribes, who had joyn'd you, should be dispersed ; in Order to make 
Proposals to thera of Receiving Missionaries, and School Masters among their respective Tribes. 
But when M'. Occum came to N. York and heard that you was got Home, he was thereupon advised 
to return, and accordingly did so ; by which Means I was prevented such a supply of proper youth 
for tliis school as I hoped he, with your assistance, and Direction> might obtain from Tribes more 
remote than I have yet had. Which Disappointment is, in part, the occasion of the present trouble 
given your Honour. 

The Bearers M"'. Kirtland, and Joseph Woolley," come to submitt themselves to your Honf' 
Direction and conduct with Desire to learn tlie Seneca and Mohock Languagc-s, and while they 
are doing that to teach scliool among them also, if it may be, to procure a Number of likely and 
suitable, youth for this school. We have heard of a promising English Youth, whom you have sent 
to King Thomas at Onoquagee, and also of one, Peter, a judicious, and religious Indian there, and 
also of two likely Indian Boys whom M'' Forbush pointed out to the Commissioners in Boston, for an 
English Education. If Your Hon' advises to any, or all of these, and they may be obtained, I 
will take thera, or any otliers you sliall think proper, to the number of 10. or 15. and if you think 
best to send several Females to be instructed in Housewifery &c I will receive them. 

If there shall be occasion for Woolley to return to accompany the Children hither, please to Order 
him to do so, and if there be no Door open for their attaining the other End of their Journey, they 
will both Return. 

I rely upon the repeated assurances Your Hon'' has given me of your Friendship in this affair, 
and in Confidence tliereof, recommend these young men to your Hon'"s Patronage, and submitt the 
whole to your Determination. 

The Boys, I have from Your Parts behave very well, better tlian any I have had from any other 
Quarter; and it seems to me they are really a much better Breed, little Pftter is a fine Genius 
indeed. But oft' their state, and the state of my school M^ Kirtland can inform you. 

I look upon myself in particular, as well as, upon my country in general, to be much indebted to 
Your Honour for Your indefatigable and (hitherto) successful Labors, to estabL>v>i a Peace wit!\ 
the Natives, upon a sollid and lasting Foundation. May God requite Your Labour ?,^d Fatigue 
with that peace which is the peculiar privilege of his chosen. I am with most sinccix. v uty and 
Esteem, may it please Your Honor. 

Your Honour's Most obedient and 

Most Humble Servant 

Eleazar Wheei.ocr. 

hands of Trustees of whom the Earl of Dartmouth was the principal, and Dr. Wheelock's School was removed to Hanover, 
!N. H. On Occum's return he labored among his countrymen, and removed eventually in 1786 to Brotherton, near Utica, X. 
Y., whither many Mohegans and Montauks accompanied him, and where he died in July 1792, aged 69. He was accompanied 
to the grave by upwards of 300 Indians. An account of the Indians of Montauk, by Occum, is published in the Mass: Hist: 
Coll. He published a sermon at the execution of Moses Paul at New Haven, Sept. 2, 1772, and much of his correspondence 
is among the papers of the Hist. Soc. of Hartford, Conn. A portrait of him was published in one of the early Vols, of the 
Evangelical Mag. McClure's Life of Wheelock — Life of Countess of Huntington. 

1 .Joseph W^oolley was a Delaware. He was sent by Dr. John Brainerd to Dr. Wheelock's school, where he arrived with 
Hezckiah Calvin, another Duluware, 9 April 1757. He spent the winter of 1764, at Onohoghquage for the purpose jt learning 
the Iroquois language. He was licensed to teach in the spring of 1765, and set out shortly after with Rev. Mr. Smith, on his 
return to his previous post at the Snsquehannah river, but he fell sick at Cherry Valley, and died in the course of the same 
year. He is represented as of an amiable disposition and polished manners. — Ei>. 



New York, Nov 27, 1764. 
Sir As I have had no Directions from your Excellency how to act in Regard to y^ Indian Prayer 
Book, since I wrote and sent you y® Copy Part of what I had printed ; and being lately informed 
that ye Gentleman I mentioned to you by y^ Name of Cap' Clause^ was your Son, and that you 
could not spare him to come down to revise and correct y« Impression here ; I therefore made bold 
to apply to Mrs Barclay, for all y® Copy relating to it, that she could find in y® Doctor's Library. 
She was kind to forward it down to me this Day ; and I now inclose it, imagining, (unless your 
Excellency has some Gentleman here to undertake its Inspection) that its being transcribed in a very 
fair legible Hand under your own Eye, and by y« Assistance of your Son's Copy, the Book can still 
be finished ; as, by being transmitted to me, in a fair Manuscript, or other plain Alterations to be 
made in y^ printed Copy ; I will undertake to finish it to satisfaction in y® form already began, and 
keep Letter for Letter with y*^ M. S. you send me. I inclose another set of what I have printed, 
lest y* one I sent before may have miscarried. 

I am, Your Excellency's very obliged Humble Servant. 

W« Weyman. 


New-York, lO'h Dec«-, 1764. 

A very laudable Spirit for promoting the Welfare of this Colony, begins to prevail here — ^A 
Society is already formed, consisting of Persons of all Ranks, who propose to advance husbandry, 
promote Manufectui-es, and suppress Luxury — Several Hundred Pounds are already subscribed, and 
paid into the Hands of Mr. John Vanderspiegel, the Treasurer — Other necessary Officers are ap- 
pointed, and several Committees formed for the good Ends more fully explained in the Public Papers 
now inclosed. 

The Society have thought fit to Name us to be a Committee for Correspondence, with all those 
Gentlemen at a distance who may be willing to lend their Aid for the general Weal of the Colony. 

In Discharge of this Trust, we beg Leave to invite you to subscribe, and to take as many Sub- 
scriptions as you can obtain, receive the Money, and transmit it to the Treasurer ; to be disposed of 
in Premiums as the Society shall hereafter direct ; of which Premiums many will fall to the Share 
of the Farmer. The Form of a Head for the Subscription-Roll, is added at the Foot of this Letter. 
And we think it necessary further to mention, that no Subscription under Twenty Shilling will be 
received ; and that a Subscription of Five Pound entitles the Subscriber to vote in the Disposal 
of the Funds. 

As diffusing a Zeal for this Undertaking throughout the Province, will probably be attended with 
the most beneficial Effects, permit us to urge you to Form a Society in your Neighbourhood, to meet 
as often as they conveniently can, to correspond with us, and to furnish us with useful Hints relative 
to what may be proper to fall under the Society's Notice ; and particularly what Brandies of Hus- 
bandry ought to be encouraged ; and for what Manufactures Premiums ought to be given ; and, in 



general, to suggest all Manner of proposals that may be for the Public Benefit in Arts, Manufactures, 
Agriculture and (Economy. 

You may be assured tliat a proper Respect will be shewn to your Schemes, Hints, and Proposals j 
and that they will be regularly communicated to the Society, at their monthly Conventions. 

We are, Your very Humble Servants, 

Ch^ W. Apthorp. 
W* Smith Jk 
Wal" Rutherfurd. 
Jno Morin Scott 
To the Honbie Sr William Johnson Bart* Ja^ Duane. 

at Johnson Hall, 



Johnson Hall Jany 4th 1765. 

I did not receive your favour of the 10*^ u]tu till a few days ago, neither had I a moments leisure 
to answer it till now. You may be assured that I shall think myself happy In any opportunity of 
promoting the W^elfare of this Province, k of encouraging as far as in me lyes a laudable Spirit for 
that purpose, which can not be better eifected than by the Suppression of Luxury & the promoting 
Husbandry and Manufactures, the former has not as yet crept in to the parts where my Interest & 
acquaintance chiefly lyes, to any Degree requiring a restriction, & sho'^ rather think that a little turn 
for possessing more of the conveniencies of Life wo<i rather stir up a Spirit of Industry am'st the 
people here, who tho' they have Lands well Qualified for it, nevertheless neglect Husbandry as they 
have little relish beyond the mere necessarys of Life, & are too Indolent in Gen' to Labour for 
more than a bare subsistence. I am far from tliinking the. suppression of Luxury, an unnecessary 
article, on the Contrary I most earnestly wish that the people of America may be prevailed upon 
to live with" the bounds prescribed by their Rank & fortune, and so far as that it would give me 
great pleasure to support the undertaking as well as to encourage Husbandry in all its branches. 
And altlio' I am persuaded you will not encourage any schemes which may be disagreable to the 
Mother Country Yet you must allow that in a Society composed of persons of all Ranks some things 
may at least be proposed by some of the Members which cannot be pleasing to G* Britain, and in 
which I couldn't with the least propriety engage, as a Servant to the Crown, 

The Nature of my Department likewise affords me little time to advert to matters of this nature 
which I presume you will readily allow when I assure you that so far from having leisure to attend to 
any domestic concerns, I cannot command the ordinary hours of refreshment amply enjoyed by 
every Labourer in the province, k tho' I might give myself more Ease I could not do so consistent 
with myself and with my desire to promote the public Tranquility. 

I must request your Acceptance of <£10 Curr which I shall Direct M"" Darlington of N York to 
pay into the Treasurers hands, and if circumstanced as I am, I can be of any farther service to your 
undertaking, I shall most ChearfuUy comply, to convince you how much I am a Wellwisher to this 

and your very humble Serv'. 



Sr I have received y" kind Favor by Paulus, & liave, (I hope) given him Satisfaction. I have 

paid him in cash 

Bills of Ten pounds 2 

D'" of Two Dto 2 

Dto of Jersey £3.50 1 

In gold 3.3 

Total 30 8 

I have likewise Paid to M"^ Ab™ Lyle for goods Twenty Pounds eighteen shilling's, so that I have 
paid him three shillings too much. 

I shall do the Duty at Albany on Sunday next ; but propose being at the Mohock Castle the 
Sunday following, shall therefore be obliged to you to acquaint the Indians of it. As for News we 
expect aU from you ; we are quit dull & stupid in this Place. I see you laugh & say to y''self when 
was you otherwise. However the Weather being Dull & Heavy 1 think it add's to my dullness 
likewise, so shaU conclude by subscribing myself. 

y oblidged Hum Serv 

Albany Jan S^h 1765 T : Brown. 


Johnson hall Feby 27«' 1765. 

I have received your favor of the b^^ Inst and I am very glad to hear that the Society do not avow 
any articles affecting England, as such would have evidently apeared in tlie Mother Country to be 
the result of rancour and passion, which might be productive of Disagreeable effects to the province 
in General, & I am Persuaded tliat a due attention to tliose Improvements, which can in no wise be 
construed to affect his Majestys dominions at home will answer many Salutary purposes. 

The state of Agriculture in this country is very low, and in short likely to remain so to the great 
Detriment of the Province, which might otherwise draw many resources from so extensive and 
valuable a Country, but tlie turn of the old settlers here is not much calculated for improvement, 
content with the meer Necessaries of Life, they don't chuse to purchase its superfluities at the 
expence of Labour neitlier will they hazard the smallest matter for the most reasonable prospect of 
gain, and tliis principle wiU probably subsist as long as that of their equality, whicli is at present at 
sucli a pitch that the conduct of one neighbor can but little influence that of another. 

Wheat which in my opinion must shortly prove a drug, is in fact what they chiefly concern them- 
selves about and they are not easily to be convinced tliat the Culture of other articles wiU tend more 
to their advantage. If a few of the Machines made use of for the breaking of hemp was distributed 
amongst those who have Land proper for the purpose it might give rise to the culture of it — or if 
one only properly constructed was sent as a model, it might Stir up a spirit of Industry amongst 
tliem, but Seed is greatly wanted, & Cannot be procured in these parts, and the Germains (who 
are the most Industrious people here) are in general in too low circumstances to concern themselves 


in anything attended with the smallest Expence, their Plantations being as yet in their infancy, 
& with regard to the old Settlers amongst the Germans who Live farther to tlie Westward, tliey have 
greatly adopted the sentiments of the rest of the inhabitants. The Country Likewise labours 
under the disadvantage of narrow, and (in many places) bad roads, which would be still worse did I 
not take care that tlie inhabitants, laboured to repair them according to law. tlie ill Condition 
of Publick roads is a Great obstruction to husbandry, the high Wages of labouring men, and the 
great number of tepling houses are hkewise articles which very much want regulation. These 
disagreeable circumstances must for sometime retard the Progress of husbandry ; I could lieartily 
wish I liad more leisure to attend to these necessary articles of Improvements to promote which ray 
Influence and Example should not be wanting. I have formerly had pease very well split at my 
mills, and I shall set the same forward amongs't the people as far as I can, I have Likewise sent for 
Collections of many Seeds, and usefull grasses which I shall Encourage them to raise, and from the 
great wants of stock, even for home use, & Consumption, I am doing all I can to turn the intention 
of the inhabitants to raising these necessary articles, for the purcliase of whicli, a good deal of cash 
has hither to been annually carried into the N. England CoUonies. 

Before I set the Examples, no farmer on the Mohock River ever raised so much as a single Load 
of Hay, at present some raise above one Hundred, the like was the case in regard to slieep, to 
which they were intire strangers until I introduced them, & I have the Satisfaction to see them at 
present possess many other articles, the result of my former Labors for promoting their welfare and 
interests, my own Tennants amounting to about 100 Familys are not as yet in circumstances to do 
much, they were settled at great Expence and hazard dureing the heat of the War, and it was prin- 
cipally (I may venture to affirm, solely) oweing to their residence & mine, that the rest of the inhab- 
itants did not all abandon their settlements at that Distressfull Period ; But tho' my Tennants are 
considerably in my Debt, I shall yet give them all the assistance I can for encouraging any usefull 
Branches of Husbandry, whicli I shall contribute to promote thro'out the rest of the country to the 
utmost of my power, and Communicate to you any material article which may occur upon that 


I am Gentlemen, your very humble servant. 

Mess'^s. Smith & Rutherfoord. 


Lebanon March 28^ 1765. 
Sir Your Excellency's Favour of February 19'h by David and Peter came safe to Hand. I 
thank your Excellency most heartily for all your Condescension, and repeated Favours shown me; 
and particularly, for your love for, and kindness to, my dear M'' Kirtland. I have been concerned, 
lest, through the Zeal and Vigour of his youth, tlie natural Sprightliness of his Genius, and Unac- 
quaintedness with the Business he was sent upon, he would be surprized into some indecent and 
imprudent Sallies. But my principal confidence, under God, has been in tliat paternal care for such, 
which I take to be a Native in your Excellency's Breast. I pray your Excellency to continue your 
paternal Kindness towards him. and whatever Supplies he shall stand in Need of please to provide 
him Avith the same, and cliarge them to my Account. I have inclosed to him an Address to the 
Chiefs of the Nations, to be convened by your orders tliis Montli, and have desired him to submit the 
same to your Excellency's censures, which I hope you will not at all spare, out of Favour to me. 


I am well pleased with Peter and David. They both seem honestly desirous to be instructed. 

We expect to have Opportunity to recommend to your Excellency's favourable Notice, two likely 
young Gentlemen, in the capacity of Missionaries, this spring ; and tliree young Indians of this 
School, in the capacity of school masters. I purpose also, that all your five first Boys shall come 
home this Sprin*-, or by some Time in June, to visit their Friends, and return to me in the Pall. It 
is proposed that they shall keep Scliools under the conduct of the Missionaries. 

William will likely make a fine Boy. He behaves very well. A specimen of his Writing I inclose. 

I have this Week received a Letter from the Countess of Huntingdon,' wherein she expresses 
great Friendship towards this Scliool, &c. And as your Excellency's Influence is great at Home, 
and, in these affairs, greater tlian any other Man's, May not I iise the Freedom to ask for tlie Benefit 
of it toward the Support and Progress of this School 1 I think it will be a great Pity if Party Names, 
and circumstantial Differences, in Matters of Religion, should by any Means obstruct tlie Progress 
of this so great and important Design of Gospelizing the Heathen. 

Please to let the Parents of these Boys, know, that they are all well ; and also inform them of 
their proposed Visit to them. 

I hope your Excellency will be able to obtain the Grand son of the Onondaga Sachem, which you 
mentioned to me, and send him with M'' Kirtland, whom I have advised to visit us this Spring. 

And that God may long preserve your valuable and important Life, and continue and increase 
your Usefulness in the World, is the earnest Prayer of. 

May it please your Excellency, your much obliged, 

and most obedient, humble Servant. 

His Excellency, Sir William Johnson. Eleazar Wheelock 


To the Sachems and Chiefs of the Mohawk, Oneida, Tuscarora, and other Nations 
and tribes of Indians. 
My Brethren and Friends 

I have had you upon my heart ever since I was a boy. I have pitied you on account of your 
wordly poverty, but much more on account of the perishing case your precious souls are in, without 
the knowledge of the only true God and Saviour of Sinners. I have prayed for you daily for more 
than thirty years, that a way might be opened to send the gospel among you, and you be made 
willing to receive it. And I hope God is now answering the prayers that have long been made for 
you, and that the time of his Mercy to your perishing nation is near at hand. 

Some years ago I educated M"" Occum (who has been a little while with some of you) with hopes 

1 Selina, countess of Huntingdon the " Countess Matilda" of Wesleyism, the Second daughter of Washington earl of 
Ferrars, was born 24 Aug. 1707, & married Theophilus 9th Earl of Huntingdon. After a severe illness she abandoned her 
former habits of gayety and dissipation, and became all at once grave, reserved and melancholy. Her thoughts were wholly 
absorbed by religion and she employed her ample resources in disseminating her principles by the agency of Whitefleld, Romaine 
and other Methodist Clergyman. She not only threw open her private residence to, but built chapels in various parts of Eng- 
land for the accommodation of their followers, and erected a college in Wales for the education of persons intended for the 
Ministry. She was the patroness of Occum whilst he remained in England, and not only hospitably entertained him in her 
house but introduced him to the notice of several of the Nobility. She was, also, a generous contributor to Dr Wheelock's 
Indian School. She died full of years and piety at her house in Spaflelds, London, on the 17tb June 1791. There is a por- 
trait of her prefixed to Life and Times of Selina Connies* of Huntingdon," London. 1844 2 v. 8vo in the State Lib. 



that God would make him an instrument of great good to my poor brethren the Indians. He 
labored a number of years witli the Indians at Montauk ; and was a mean of mucli good to that 
tribe, and also an instrument of good to some in New England, and I hope did a little good to you 
in the short time he was with you. 

After I had educated M"" Occum, and saw no other way to help the perishing Indians, tliere 
being no door open to send missionaries among them, I determined on setting up an Indian School 
to teach their Cliildreu, that when they had got their learning, they might return home, and in 
their own language teacli their brothers, sisters and friends the way of Salvation by Jesus Christ. 

And accordingly I began this School more then ten years ago. I first took two boys of the Dele- 
wares, but one of them died when he was almost fit for College, the other went to College, and 
when he was almost through, was overcome by strong drink, and by this he grieved my very heart. 
I hope he would have been good, and I hope yet that God will have mercy on him and make him 
good before he dies. 
^x I am now sending you eight of your sons, whom I have learned to read and write well. The mm- 
"^ isters who liave joined with me to help forward the great design of Christianizing the Indians, have 
-o^ examined them, and recommend two of them with Joseph Woolly^ to be school masters, where they 
can find the Indians willing to have their children taught : the other six, tliough they can read 
and write well enough to teach a school, yet we think they are too young to be masters. We are 
^/ afraid your children will not mind them ; and therefore have ordered them to teach your cliildren, 
under the direction of tlie missionaries, till next fall ; and then they are to return to this school to 
get more learning ; and I hope some of them will be fit in time to preach Christ to you, if God shall 
please to give them good hearts. 

Now I assure you, my brethren, in what I have done, and am doing, I have no interest of my own 
in view ; but I have compassion upon your precious souls, for whom Christ died, and which must 
be lost and miserable for ever unless you be made to know him, and the way of life by him, and so 
to partake of the great salvation, which he has purchased for us. 

Two ministers are coming to you from my school, who are sent to you by the commissioners, 
and they are men of learning, have had a liberal education, and are able to teach you the way of 
salvation by Christ. And tliey love you much; they do not come to get money, nor to get away 
your lands, nor to cheat or wrong you in any thing, but only to do you good. And you may 
depend upon it, I will never willingly send one to preach the gospel to you, who has any higlier 
view than to save your souls. That is the errand these men come upon, and as such you must 
receive them, and treat them kindly. 

David Fowler, ' who has been educated at my scliool, and is one of the school masters belbre 
mentioned, I now send to keep school among you, to teach your children, if you will receive him. 

1 David Fowlee was a Montauk Indian, entered the Indian School at Lebanon, about 1759. He early shewed an aptitude 
for agriculture, and it was Dr. Wheelock's opinion that he would make a good farmer if he should ever have the advantage 
of experience. In June, 1761, he accompanied Sampson Occom to the Oneidas and returned in August with three Indian 
youths. He was approved as an Indian teacher in March, 17G5, and set out accordingly for the Oneida Nation on the 29th 
of April. He shortly after wrote Dr. Wheelock the following letter from his new residence : — 

" Kanavarohare, in Oneida, June 15, 1765. 
" Honored and Rev. Sir 

" This is the twelfth day since I began my school ; and eight of my scholars are now in the third page of their spelling 
book. I never saw children exceed these in learning. The number of my scholars is twenty six, but it is diflBcult to keep 
them together ; they are often roving about from place to place to get something to live upon. I am also teaching a 
singing school. They take great pleasure in learning to sing. "We can already carry three parts ot several tunes. I am well 
contented to live here, so long as lam in such great business. I believe I shall persuade the men in this castle, at least 


He is a rational, sprightly, active young man ; and I believe you will find him to be very lionest 
and faithful. He comes only to do you good. His friends at Montauk have sent to me, eanieslly 
desiring that he might come there and teach their children ; but I have often lieard that } ou desired 
greatly to be tauglit, and I hope he will do more good among you, and therefore I send him to you. 
I hope you will be kind to him as one of your own people, and help liim to live among you. I liope 
you will help him to get a house, and let him have some of your land to plant and sow^ ; and he will, 
besides teaching your children, help and instruct you in managing husbandry ; which you must learn 
if you expect God will increase your number, and build you up, and make you his people. 

I jiear that some of tlie Indians think it to be a mean thing, and below men to work in tlie field, 
that it belongs only to women. Tiiis thouglit is not riglit nor pleasing to God. 

The first work he sat man about, and tliat before he ever had sinned, when he was more honora- 
ble than any mere man has ever been since, was to till the ground to get his living by it. And 
after man had sinned, God told him he should get his living by the sweat of his fi\ce, and he has 
commanded us in the fourth commandment to work six days in tlie week. And often in his w'ord 
testified his displeasure against those who will not work for a living. This earth is all God's land, 
and he will have it all cultivated. So long as there are not people enough to inhabit the earth, God 
lets the wild beasts have it for their dwelling place ; and a few lazy savage people he suffers to live 
a hungry miserable life by hunting. But when the children of men grow numerous, and want the 
earth to cultivate for a living, the wild beasts must give place to them, and men must improve the 
land for God ; if they do not they are bad tenants and must be turned off as such. If you will not 
cultivate God's land, you cannot expect that God will greatly multiply you. I speak this only for 
your good : I propose no advantage to myself nor to any other, but you and your posterity by it. 

Wlien you improve your land, and provide a living for yourselves and families in that way, you 
■will live much easier and better than you now do or can do by hunting. And when your game is 
gone, you will not have occasion to remove to another place, or to go a great way to catch wild 
creatures to live upon as Indians have been forced to do ; but you will live as well without them as 
with them, by the produce of your ow^n farms. And then you will be under circumstances to have 
ministers and school masters settled among you ; and will be able to support them according to the 
laws of Christ, to teach you and your children the great things that concern your peace with God, 
and the eternal salvation of your precious souls ; and so you may soon become a learned and 
knowing people. And then you will be in no danger of being imposed upon and cheated, as you 
have been by bad men, who care not what becomes of Indians, if they can only get your lands, and 
cheat and wrong you in other things. I pity you greatly on these accounts ; and I wisli you would 
mind wliat I say to you. I greatly desire you may become a great, and good, and very happy people. 

David Fowler can tell you how God has dealt with Indians in New England, and how^ they now 
begin to see their error, and amend their doings. 

I thank you for the kindness, which some ol you have shewn to my dear M»" Kirkland, whom I 
sent into your country last faU. His heart is bent to do good to the Indians. He denies himself 

the most of them, to labour next year. They begin now to see, that they could live better if they cultivated their lands 
than they do now by hunting and fishing. 

" I ask the continuance of your prayers, that God would give me grace, and fill my heart with love of God and compassion 
to perishing souls : and that God would make me an instrument of winning many souls to Christ, before I leave this world. 

" Please to accept much love and respect, from your aflfcctionate and unworthypupil, " David Fowler." 

The famine which visited western N. York this year obliged the Oneidas to remove in search of food to another quarter, 
and David Fowler returned to N. England for further aid. We have no means of following up the remainder of his career 
but he is stated to have been alive in 1811 at Oneila, an industrious farmer and useful man. — Ed. 

Vol. IV. 29 


all the pleasure and honors which he might have here among his friends, only to do you good. I 
hope you will continue your kindness to him, and treat him as my child. I hope God will make 
him an instrument of great good to the Indians. 

I wish you all the happiness in this world and the world to come. I design by God's help to do 
all the good I can to the poor miserable Indians as long as I live ; and when you can pray to God 
for yourselves, then pray also for me. I liope I shall live in heaven with many of you, and that 
we shall rejoice together in beholding our glorified Redeemer forevermore. Amen. 

Lebanon, April 29, 1765. Eleazar Wheelock. 


Lebanon, 29th April, 1765. 
Sir, May it please your Excellency, 

The Bearer, David Fowler, has been for some Time in this School ; and is a youth of good 
Abilities, whose activity & Prudence, Fortitude & Honesty have much recommended liim to me. 
He comes with Design if he meets with proper encouragment to settle down among tlie Oneyada's 
(unless some other place more inviting presents) in tlie capacity of a School Master; and also (so far 
as that Business will allow) has a Design to set them an Example of Agriculture for liis Support : 
and do what he can to recommend that manner of living to the Indians. 

And if he can be accomodated to his mind he has Thoughts as soon as lie has prepared a Habita- 
tion &c to return and marry a very amiable Girl, whom I have been educating for the Purpose, and 
who will be a good Assistant in prosecuting the Design. 

And as the Life and Success of the whole, under God, very much depends upon your Excel- 
lency's countenance ; I have advised him to submitt the whole to your Direction and conduct, not 
doubting but, so far as the crowd of your Afiairs will allow, you will favour him with such Instruc- 
tions, and Recommendation, as you shall think needful, or useful for him. 

If M"" Ivirtland's Conduct, in Indian Afiairs, has been agreable to you, and the Prospect of his use- 
fulness be such as is worthy Encouragment, a Recommendation from your Excellency would be of 
great service therein. 

I conclude you have seen in the public Prints, the Resolves of this Board of Corrispondents on 
the 12'h ulto, to send severel Missionaries, and School Masters into your country. But having no 
Fund, we have been seeking a meet Person to accompany M'^ Occom, or some other Indian from this 
school, to Europe to ask the Charity and Assistance of good people towards the support of the Plan 
we have laid. 

The Board of Corrispondents in N. Jersey, have been applied to for M'^ Brainerd,' but for several 
Reasons he cant be obtained. I have now wrote M"" Charles J. Smith to undertake in that affair, 
but who will be the man is not yet determined. M'' John Smith Merch* in Boston is going to England 
in May or June, who will be employed in the affair so far as may be consistant with his Business 
and Character, if no Clergyman can be obtained for that purpose. And a Recommendation of the 
Affair to Gentlemen at Home, by your Excellency, ro.ay be of very great service to the Furtherance 
of it, and likely of much greater service to it than any other man's, as your Connections are, and 
your Character now rising in the Kingdom. 

1 Rev. John Brainerd was brother to the celebrated David B. and like him an Indian Missionary. He graduated in Yale 
in 1746. His labours were chiefly among the Indians of New Jersey. He died in 1780 


If Your Excellency will condesend to favour us and The Design in these Respects we shall 
esteem it to be a singular Favour. 

I liave ordered David to make ready 8 or 10 likely Boys, such as you shall approve for this School, 
by that Time the rest of my Boys arive to you, by whom I shall send a Lad to accompany hither 
those he thus prepares for me, unless Joseph WooUey's coming with them sho'' prevent me. 

And that Almighty God may support you under all your Toil & Labours for your King & Country , 
and late, very late, reward the same with himself is the Prayer of, 

May it please your Excellency Your Excellency's most 

Obedient, and most Humble Servant 

Eleazar Wheelock. 

P. S. — Your Boys are all well excepting that little Ellas received a bad blow with a Ballstick 
from one of his mates as they were playing together but he is in a way to be well soon. 
Sir William Johnson. 


Canesedage> 17 June 1765. 

Sir. I arriv'd safe here 30*^ May, after a very fatiguing Journey receg little or no assistance from 
my ungrateful Fellow Travellers. 

I've answered ye two belts by which they demanded Provisions for ye Women & Children, Trade 
&c they have made no return. I apprehend are a little guilty & asham'd of ye mean part they 
acted. The Sachem knew nothing of their sending yt large belt for Provisions &c. was surprised 
to hear of their unreasonable demands. The Sachem and several others do really appear friendly. 
in general they treat me with no more respect than they would shew to a dog — but this is equal to 
me. I believe a little more Provision than I'm like to get here, will be necessary for ray subsist- 
ence this summer. The Indians from above living so much upon this Town since ye general meet- 
ing, has created a great scarcity of Provisions. I suppose there is not 3 bushels of Indian Corn in 
ye Castle, when I went from hence last spring they were well stored. Could I have a plenty of 
fresh venison & bears flesh, I would do without bread, y* staff of Life, but to have little of either 
& ye most of y' little rotten, I think may be call'd coarse fare. 

It was said in ye ancient puritanick times, y* man should not live by bread alone, — The Modern 
ages it seems have degenerated, especially in these parts, for we are like to be denied any bread at all. 

I design (god willing) to be down about twenty days from hence. I've wrote desiring Cap' 
Butler to make ready Provision for me against my arrival, your Excellency appi-oving ye same. 
I dont doubt but ReV* M"" Wheelock would think it expedient, it will be to ye credit of y^ Design, 
as well as my comfort & support. Tho' success in my present undertaking be uncertain, I must 
make a trial of 3 or 4 years, yt I may answer with a clear Conscience before Almighty God. My 
obligations from without are considerable, but much greater from within. I submit it wholly to 

1 For the site of this town also written Canadesagay, see Guy Johnson's Indian Map in this vol. It is said that this 
was the original name of Geneva, Ontario Co., but in the Col. Johnson's Map, the Indian Castle is laid down 10 miles west 
of the bead of Seneca lak&. 


your Excellency, whose direction and advice I esteem infinitely preferable to my own; also for whose 

former undeserved kindness and condesention, I desire to renew most humble thanks. 

Tliat Success & Prosperity may crown all your Excellency's undertakings, is ye sincere wish of 

him. — who is with greatest esteem 

Your Excellencys most obedient & 

obliged humble servant 

His Excellency S"" W"> Johnson. S. Kirtland. 

P. S. I shall go down by water, with one or two Indians who have invited me to go with them 

for sake of learning y« Language. 

I have not, nor shall I acquaint them y* I have any thoughts of getting Provision up here. 


Lebanon 21^1 Oct-^ 17C5. 
Sir, May it please your Excellency. 

The Bearer a Narraganset Indian with a number of that Tribe desire me to write you in their 
Favour. I am not acquainted with their Case only by common Fame and it has been often said 
that a number of that Tribe appear more spirited to cultivate their Lands, and live by the Produce 
of them, than heretofore they have been, but that they are like to be prevented therein by a drimken 
Sachem who has got in Debt, and is selling their Lands fast to the English, Your Excellency no 
doubt knows their Case much better than I do, and will be ready to prevent the Evil they fear if it 
be in your power. 

Sir. I am ordered by the Board of Corrispondents in the Colony of Connecticut to return your 
Excellency their grateful acknowledgment of your favourable recommendation of this Indian School 
&c. and for all the Expressions of your Favour and Friendship towards the Important Design 
of Inlarging & advancing the kingdom of the Redeemer among the Savages, and to Express their 
best Wishes for your temporal and eternal Felicity. We rely upon your Friendship, and would 
by no means justly merit the Contrary. 

I am obliged to write in utmost Hurry & Confusion or not embrace this Favourable opportunity 
of Conveyance which your Goodness will readily enough consider as an Excuse for what is so 
unfashionably offered by Hon^ Sir. 

Your Excellency's much obliged and most Obed* Humble Servant 

Sir Will"" Johnson, Eleazar Wheelock. 


Johnson Hall Nov 7''', 1765. 

Sir I have had the favor of yours, and I am much obliged to you for the trouble you have given 
yourself about the Electrical Aparatus &c and for your polite & friendly offers of Service of which 
I may now & then avail myself 

The Interest I have in the Welfare of the Indians, & my sincere regard for their happiness has 
induced me at all times to give proper Introductions & Assistance to the Missionary s sent amongst 


them, and if my becoming a Member of the Society will increase my power to forward so good an 
undertaking I shall not hesitate to agree to M"" Auchmutjs kind proposal, to whose civility I am 
much obliged and must beg the favor of you to transmit him my hearty thanks for his intentions 
relative to me, assuring him that I can have no Objection to becoming a member of so Venerable 
a body. 

I shall be Extremely glad to hear of your Welfare, or to serve whenever in my power as I am. 
The Revd M»- Barton. 

•,*Revd Thomas Barton, was born in Ireland in 1730. He was a graduate of Trinity Coll., Dublin. In 1754, the Society 
for the Prop, of the Gospel, erected a Mission for the counties of York and Cumberland, Pa , and appointed Mr. Barton 
to it, he having brought over with him, and laid before the Society a certificate from the Trustees and Professors of the 
Philadelphia Coll., that he had been more than two years employed as an assistant in that Institution, and discharged his duty 
to their full satisfaction, and therefore joined in recommending him as a proper person for the Society's service. This being a 
frontier settlement, its duties were particularly onerous. He had to ride 148 miles every six weeks to attend his three congre- 
gations, and often at the head of his people went to oppose the Savages when desolating the neighboring settlements. He 
served in 1758 as Chaplain in the expedition against Fort Duquesne, and thus became acquainted with Washington and 
other distinguished Oflicers. 

In 1770 he received the degree of A. M., from King's Coll., New York. On the breaking out of the revolution he adhered 
to the Royal cause and was in consequence placed on the limits of his county, and afterwards confined to his house. He 
continued thus a prisoner two years, and at last found himself under the necessity of leaving his family and parish, after a 
service of 20 years, and withdrawing to New- York, where he arrived in November, 1778. His long confinement to his house 
impaired his health, and brought on a dropsy, under which he languished until the 25th May, 1780, when he yielded to his fate 
at the age of 50 years. He left in Pennsylvania, a widow, and eight children by a former wife. The well known Prof. Barton, 
of the University of Penn., was his son. Ed. 


Schonactady 20'^ December 1765. 
Sir As the Congregation of the Church of England have come to a Resolution to petition his 
Excellency the Governor to grant them a Charter to Secure their Rights and privileges in the 
Church built here, they beg leave to lay their petition before you for your approbation, and likewise 
beseech you Sir to Honour them with an Acceptance of beeing one of the Trustees in tlie Cliarter if 
one can be Obtained, as we then can have no doubt if a Gentleman of your known Merit and 
Charecter will Espouse our Cause it will prevent for the future the presbyterians from makeing any 
unjust attemps on the priviledges in the Church we hope you will graciously. Honour us with an 
answer as soon as your Leisure will permit which will confere the most Gratefull Obligation on our 
Congregation, and in a perticular manner on your Honors Most 

Obedient humble servants 

J W Brown 
Matthew Lyne 


Jonathn Ogden. 



Six-. I wrote your Honour sometime past by Onulisoclctea & y« two white men from Niagara,, -w^ 
I hope has come safe to hand. — We have no news of consequence stiring among us at present. I've 
heard by some of y« Indians y' your Honour has had a very easy happy time thro' the winter — No 
Visiters no Company excepting Cap Monteur, no Letters from abroad. " Nothing to do but to set 
down & enjoy y^' Comforts of Life. w<='' news I tell them is too good to be true. I rather fear y« 
contrary. Ive lately spoke to the Indians here, something farther concerning my design &c. I have 
luid an cigreable encouraging answer — of w<=i> I shall acquaint your Honour by ye next opportunity 
having but a moment to write at present, & y® Bearer now waiting. I beg leave being desir'd to 
insert a short speech for Tekanondo, as he is my special friend & main suppurt here. I mention 
only ye Substance. 

" I return you many thanks for your friendly encouraging words last fall — they buried almost 
all my sorrow, & gave me as it were new life. I keep y™ continually in my mind. I again return 
most hearty thanks for your Remembrance of me. I desire you wou'd consider y^ present disposition 
& intention of my warriors to visit y^ old Enemies y® Cherokee, you are well acquainted w**" our 
ancient Customs & Traditions, y* y^ late Breach in my family cant be fully made up in any other 
way. I know not w* your present stores are, nor how you are disposed towards these things. I ask 
only this y' you woud take it into consideration. You are doubtless sensible it is hard for me to 
see all my Notes pass me on this Business, & I being alone, perhaps shall set down & weep w* 
my miserable Condition. But if my Warreours go I'll be contented to tarry your encouraging word 
& strict charge last fall shall support me & be continually in my mind. 

In much hast your Honours most obed' & ever hum^ Serv» 


Kaunaudasage Feby 18, 1766, if I dont mistake. 

I beg ye favour of an Almanack if your Honou'' has a supply. I fear I shall forget y* Sabbaths & 
perhaps new moons, & become a Savage indeed. 
The Honbi Si«- W" Johnson. 



New York, March 25, 1766. 
Sir, The Indian Common Prayer Book stil lies dead ; — I should be glad to be informed how I 
am to proceed. I have been at much Expence for what is done, and assure myself of your 
consideration of y Afiair. I shall wait your Motion with Pleasure ; — No doubt occurrences pre- 
vented its farther Progress with you. The Reverend M"^ Ogilvie, who is now Curate here, will no 
doubt undertake its Correction, if you doubt my Carefulness from sticking close to a legible Copy ; 
and, I think, Sir, he will readily assist on Application, which, if you please, I will undertake to 
address for, should you incline to continue its Publication. 

I am. Your Excellency's obliged, and Obedient H''^® Servant, 

W" Weyman. 



May, 1766. 

Rey. Sk, We are favored with yoxir letter of the 21 ^t, and with Mr. Smith's of the 10'i» of April 
last. The design of christianizing the Indians, and diffusing the light of the gospel to those unhappy 
people, that have not yet partaken of that divine blessing, is so truly charitable, and favorable to 
humanity, that it deserves all the encouragement and attention, that it has met witli from our gracious 
sovereign, and those worthy benefactors, who so generally followed the royal example. 

We esteem ourselves peculiarly happy that an opportunity is offered us, to show how much we 
are inclined to promote a plan so universally countenanced, and so deservedly applauded. We 
have informed ourselves of the Rev. Mr. Kirkland, to whom you was pleased to refer us for par- 
ticulars. The affair is of so much importance, that it claims our most serious and deliberate con- 
sideration, and the little time allowed from the speedy return of Mr. does not permit us 
to send our proposals by him : we shall however embrace the earliest opportunity to convey them 
to you, and we hope tliat when you get them, they will be such as will meet with your approbation, 
and merit the consideration of those worthy gentlemen in England, to wliom this affair is referred. 

We beg leave to assure you, sir, of our particular regard for you ; we wish you much of tlie 
divine grace, and health to go on with this good work, of which (greatly to your honour be it 
spoken, and may it long be gratefully remembered) you have been the first promoter. 

We are, Rev, Sir, Your most humble servant 

V. Dow, Mayor, &c. 


Lebanon 4th July 1766. 

Sir, I gratefully acknowledge the Receipt of Your Excell<^ys Favour by David Fowler — I much 
regrett tlie loss of Goah, who, as David and others inform me, was a man of great Consequence, 
botli witli respect to their religious, and Secular Interest. 

And I am indeed much affected with the acco* (which you referr me to David for) of the occa- 
sions given to several Tribes to revive their old Prejudices, and renew their Hostilities against the 
English. May your Excellency experience that same Fountain of Wisdom which has hitherto 
guided you on such occasions, to be still sufficient for you, in this critical affair. 

My plan is much disconcerted hereby — Tlie English youth who accompany this, viz. Johnson and 
McCluer,' are Memoers of Yale College, as well as of tins School ; and were design'd, if it might be, 
under Your Excellency's Direction & Favour, to spend the ensuing Season, (with their Indian 

1 David McClure, D. D., was a native of Brookfield, Mass. After spending some time under Mr. Kirtland, at Oneida, he 
graduated at Yale College in 1769, and then became a teacher in Dr. "Wheelock's school. In the summer of 1772 he set out to 
visit the Delaware Indians on the Muskingum river, west of the Ohio, a journal of which mission is published in Wheelock's 
Nar. for 1773. On his return to Pittsburgh from this, what turned out to be a fruitless mission, he spent seven months among 
the scattered white settlements in W^estern Penn. In the summer of 1774, in company with Messrs. Dean and others, he visited 
the Canada Indians. During, and for some time after the revolution, he was minister of Northampton, N. H., and in 1786 
removed to East Windsor, where he died June 25, 1820, aged 71. His wife was the daughter of Dr. Pomeroy and niece of Dr. 
Wheelock, whose Memoirs he published in connexion with Dr. Parish in 1811 . — Ed. 



associates) in learning tlie Language of such Tribes, as tliey may likely serve, as Missionaries & 
School Masters, when they liave compleated their Learning. The Disposal of them is now submitted 
to your Wisdom, and Prudence. M'^ Kirtland seems incUned to take McCluer to Onoyada with him ; 
But wliether the learning of that Language will be of such Consequence as that it will be worth his 
spending his Time for it, Your Excellency is best able to judge. 

I have thouglit it might bo best for Joseph Johnson, who is a Mohegan,' and is too young to have 
the government of a school, to be employed, as an Usher under David Fowler, whose school, I under- 
stand, will likely be big enough for two masters. 

Jacob^ who is Brotlier to David, and tho' but 16. years old, I apprehend is endowed with Prudence 
& Discretion sufficient to conduct (and is well accomplished to instruct) a School. 

I would also propose to your Excellency Whether it will be best for Hezekiah [Calvin] to take 
the Scliool which Joseph Woolley left at Onohoquagee, as I hear M^ Brown determines to defeat his 
Design of settling at Fort Hunter. 

But I need not be particular as the Bearers are fully knowing to whatever I should otherwise have 
need to inform you of; in this aifair. And also as the Rev^ M' Pomeroy & my son, are appointed 
(and yesterday sat out via New- York) to wait upon you for your advice respecting the place to fix 
upon, and build for this School. They will also be able to acquaint you with the favourable Recep- 
tion, Mess'^ Whittaker & Occum, & the Design they Recommend, meet with at Home ; and the 
Prospect I have of any Favour I can reasonably desire from the Board of Trade, if only the Place 
for tlie Scliool was once determined, and as I would act in every step agreable to your mind, for I 
apprehend you are able above any man in this Land to serve the grand Design in view. What seems 
to be wanting at Home, at present, is only to know the place to fix it. And I purpose to mention 
several, with such Recommendations, Incouragements &c as sliall be respectively given them, and 
leave it with Gentlemen at Home to determine which of the number it shall be. 

You will please to weigh the Arguments offerd by M' C. J. Smith to carry it into the Southern 
Governments, a rough Draft of which I have sent by my son. 

William (Major as we call him for distinction sake) is a very good Genius, and capable of making 
a very likely man ; but his Pride and tlie Violence of his Temper have sometimes rendered him 
troublesome ; and obliged me to use severity with him, of whicli my son can inform you perhaps 
a Line or Message from You might be of Special service to him. I ordered him to write a few lines 
(which I inclose) as a Specimen He complained, and you will see, not without Reason, that his Ink 
was bad. I am heartily sorry to add to tlie great weight of Care, & Crowd of Business you are 
continually in ; and rely only upon your Goodness and the nature and importance of the things I 
write, for Pardon, for this Trouble. That God may restore your Health, Support you under all 
your Labours, and long lengthen out your important life, is the earnest Prayer of him who begs 
leave to subscribe, with most Sincere Dxity and Esteem. 

Your Excellency's Obedient and very Humble Servant 

Sir William Johnson Baron*. Eleazar Wheelock. 

1 Joseph Johnson was born near Norwich about the year 1750. His father served near Lake George in 1757. At the 
age of 15, Joseph became a schoolmaster as above stated, and was so employed for two years. He fell off, however, from 
this life of regularity afterwards, and went on a whaling voyage. Returning in 1771, he fell sick at his native place, which 
circumstance had such an effect on him, that he became quite religious. He was afterwards licensed to preach among the Six 
Nations, and was very faithful to the American cause during the revolution. It is said that he was not inferior to Samson 
Occum as a Preacher. Allen. See also Wheelock's Narrative, 1775 

2 Jacob Fowler, a Montauk Indian was born in 1750. He was approved as a Teacher in 1765, and taught for several years 
after among the Six Nations and N. E. tribes. Things, however, did not go well with him, and in 1774, he returned as a 
teacher to Dr. Wheelock's School, where he prepared himself for holy orders, previous to moving into the Oneida country 
with SaiTipson Occum. Wheelock 



Albany Sep 13«h 1766. 

S"- I have the Honour of y" of the 10'^ Instant p^ master Peter, wherein I find no particular 
Instructions in Regard to his schooling, conclude therefore that you leave liim to me on that Head. 
Depend on it I sliall take the same care of him in every Respect as my own Child. I shall be pre- 
pared to meet his Excellency y'self & the rest of the Fraternity on the earliest notice. My Dis- 
course to my Indian Children sliall be short, but how sweet I must leave to y"^ better Judgment. I 
shall obey y otlier commands by inviting four or five the most decent of our Brethren to meet his 
Excellency on that Solemn occasion. 

I remain S'" with the utmost Respect y most obliged Hum Serv 

S'' Wm Johnson. - T. Brown. 


Onowadagegh Oct. 10 A. D. 1766. 
Rev' Sir Though my being a Stranger to you might free me from many offices which might be 
expected from a youth bound to you by many acts of your kindness yet I cant neglect writing to you 
on a late occurrence without violating the Bonds of simple Humanity which bind equally tl:e most 
remote Acquaintance and the most intimate Friends. A Report has been lately handed about here 
that you Rev^ Sir at the late Meeting at Johnson Hall christend serveral children in the Presence 
of his Honour the Governor the honourable Sir W>" Johnson many other Gentlemen and a Number 
of Indians of several Tribes who had been before christened by Missionaries of the presbyterian 
order. I acknowledge Rev' Sir that the Fact mention'd in their Report is too notoriously conterary 
to the Practices of Christians of every Denomination to gain Credit amongst any but Indians and 
the most ignorant and crudilous Part of the wiiite People, confident therefore tliat this Report is 
intirely Groundless I have thought it imprudent to apply to any Gentleman to have it refuted but to 
yourself who will I doubt not readily give so full and ample Refutations of it from under your own 
Hand that I may for the Futer be able to put to shame all who would thereby asperse your character 
or bring into Contempt and Neglect amongst these ignorant Heathen the whole christian system. 
It was my advice from several presbiterian Ministers and from all whom I convers^ with on the 
subject that twas best as much as possible to keep from the minds of the Indians every Notion of 
any Difference or Distinction amongst prodestant Christians. To this I have always been despos'' and 
have therefore been ever ready to stand by a silent Spectator and Auditor of what ever any Gentle- 
man of the standing church chlergey have desired to act or speak in any of the Places where my 
commission under the hon^ie Scots Society has impowered me to officiate. The Prudence of this 
Measure the Advantage it gives to the common cause of Christianety and its utility to the Nation 
so far as we consider the natinal Interest as connected with the scheme christinising the Heathen 
in these Parts must appear to every considerate Person upon the least Reflection but if tlie foienien- 
tiond Report obtains we are obviously under a Necessity either to leave the Indians intirely or else 
to give a satisfactory Reason for such a Piece of unheard of Conduct. The first of these Sir you may 
readily suppose we shall not do before we see the Indians all suppli'^ with Ministers of some 
Vol. IV. 30 



Prodistant Persuation who Avill reside amungst them to instruct currect and persuade them and to 
set them Examples of such christian conduct as I trust all christians would rejoice to see prevail 
amongst mankind and to expect this from the church clargey who are so scarce in these Parts is 
childish unless then you will amply refute the Report of your having rebaptisd Children we ai-e 
necessatated to give a Reason for such Bisbaptisms and this we cannot do without entering into 
a Distinction which we desire never to mention here and which would to God there had never 
been occasion for. You may depend upon it Sir that I am disposd to treat every man in a 
christian Manner who act like a Christian and to use them with all that Deference and Respect 
which either their Age or Carracter or any Distinction can claim from me and sluiU therefore be 
entirely silent about the above Report till I see whether an Answer to my Request is to be expected 
from you and after that shall endeaver to act in a Manner most consistant with tlie same Principals. 
The affair has given some uneasiness both to Rey^ M'' Kirtland and myself and in Case you think 
this unworthy an Answer we shall doubtless apply to some Gentleman who was present and will 
freely give us that satisfaction which I at present hope to obtain from you and by which shall be 
able to satisfy M' Kirtland and to put a stop to a Rumor so abusive and uncommon. In hopes of 
this I rest for the Present and beg Leave to subscribe myself 

Revd & Worthy Sir Your Humble Servant 
To Rev^ Mf Brown. Theophilus Chamberlain. 

*,* Theophilds Chamberlain was ordained at Lebanon, on 24 April, 1765, and set oiit on the 19th June following for 
the country of the Six Nations. He established several schools among the Mohawks, visited the Oneydas, made a tour 
among the Onondagas, and preached to them. He returned to Lebanon in October, accompanied by two Oneida youths to 
be placed under Dr. Wheelock's charge. He returned again the following year to the Mohawk country, as appears by the 
above, and a subsequent letter. — Eo. 


Schenectady Dec 4'h 1766. 
Hon«J Sir After rendring you our sincere thanks for the tender regard you expressed for our 
Church, in your favour to the Rev^ M*' Auchmuthy, we would acquaint you that Mr. Lyne — when 
in New York waited on his Excellency to know the result of our petition, and we have the pleasure 
of hearing that it was laid before the Council where it met with a favourable reception, agreeable to 
which the Charter will shortly be sent up with his Excellencies subscription money and C'lurch 
furniture. Mr Lyne has also procured a Clerk to officiate in the Church, who we are persuaded 
will answer the Character given him by several Gentlemen of Credit in New York. We conclude 
with craving a continuance of your protection of our Church and its Liberties, and subscribe ourselves 

Hon'J Sir Your most Ob* & Hum: Servants 

J W Brown 


Stephen Dudley. 
Charles Dogal 



Conajohare 29'h Dec^r 1766. 
May it please your Honour 

I but lately received your Honours Letter of the 8^^ instant, am sorry tlio have been the occasion 
of so much Trouble to your Honour whose Indulgence and Condescention I have so often experi- 
enced, and stand corrected with Pleasure. 

I am surprised that the Rev^ Brown should suspect that by privatly informing hira of what he 
was said to have done I intended to intimate the misconduct of those in whose Presence it was said 
lie did it. I never doubted may it please your Hon^ but that his Exelency the Govenor had a Right 
to ask and obtain M* Browns assistance in Conferring his Name upon whome he pleasd and this 
without transgressing the strictest Rules of Christianity, and was far from thinking that his Exe- 
lency or any Gentleman in the Civil Government would interpose his authority with a clergyman 
to oblige liim to rebaptize Children because they were first baptized by ministers of another Denomi- 
nation. Nor was I may it please your Hon' suspicious that the Gentlemen of the establislid Church 
Clergy gave themselves or others too much Trouble to bring into Disrepute other religious Persua- 
sions. I treated this Report or at least aimd to like what was false and only wrote M"^ Brown for his 
authority to say it was false. I gave a greater Latitude to some Expressions than I should otherwise 
that M'' Brown might give me a direct answer which would stop the mouths of tliose who can see 
nothing significant in arguing what men will do from their Character— but never on'ce supposed the 
Rev«i Gentleman would make so great an atfair of it as to have me answerd as he has in a manner 
which gives me the greatest Pain. I mentiond the Presence of his Exelency the Govenor, the 
Honi^'e Sir William Johnson and otlier Gentlemen and the Indians with no other view than to give 
tlie Report the airs with which I several Times heaixi it told not suspecting that the Letter would be 
proposed to any one as what was designed to fault the conduct of my Rulers, for to this I dont give 
myself a License in any case but especially should not with your Honour to whom I am so much 
indebted must therefore may it please your Honour beg the continuance of your Honours favours 
to be without which will be itself a mark of ungratfull and will soon render me intirrely useless. 
In hopes to obtain this I conclud and beg Leave to subscribe myself 

May it Please your Honour your Hon" most obediant humble servant 

Theophlus Chamberlain. 


S" The Bearers hereof are going up the Mohawk River to try to collect money to finish off a 
Clnirch at Great-Barrington, where they have suffer'd every Hardship from tlie Presbaterian Party; 
And designing to call at j ' House I have taken the Liberty of requesting y advice. They beg of me 
to return with them to Barriugton for a Sunday, but as my Duty call's me to the Mohawks cannot 
think of going without your consent. A Line from you will Determine the Case. I liope you will 
not let yf Fondness for master Peter keep him too long from his Studies as a misapplication of his 
Time will make him forget what he has learnt. 1 am S'' with Respect y_ most obedient Servant 

Albany Jan 30th i767. T: Brown. 

If I do not go to Barrington a number of Brother's propose paying you a Visit on Saturday. 
To Honbie Sr W" Johnson. 



Schenectady May 29'n. 1767. 
Honorable Sir, The many Favours I have received at your Hand, lay me under Indispensible 
Obligations to acknowledge your Generosity ; & acquaint yon that as it is not in my Power to return 
tliem in this Life : You are therefore to look for your Reward where the most of Good Benifectors 
have done before you, viz in Heaven ; But can assure you, that I bear a sincere k grateful Sense of 
your Kinnesses in my Breast & shall never forget them while I am mindful of myself : particularly 
your last Letter to the Governor in ray Favour which w^as of Singular Service to me. 

Sir, Since my Return from your House, I have attended close at M'. Silvesters Office, to acquaint 
myself with the Formalities & proceedings of the Court, have got my Licence, & qualified last Tues- 
day, am come to Schenectady, with a Design to settle : & should be glad to have it in my Power 
to serve you or any of your Friends, all from 

Honorable Sir your most hum^e. k obc*. serv*. 

William Hanna' 


Bethlehem the 6^^ Januar. 1768. 

Sir The high and important Station in which the Providence of GOD and our Gracious Sovereign 
have placed You, together with Your well known benevolent Disposition towards the Indians in 
general, occasions my Addressing Your Excellency at this Time. 

I presume Your Excellency cannot be unacquainted with the Missions and Labours of the 
Brethren, begun and hitherto subsisting for upwards of Twenty five Years amongst the Northern 
Indians, and that their Zeal, in bringing many of them to the Knowledge of GOD our Saviour Jesus 
Christ, has been crown'd with great Success. True it is, the Troubles and Calamities attending the 
late Indian War, in which the Missionaries and their Converts met with such a Variety of Distress, 
Vicissitudes and Interruption in their Labours, as even threatened their total Extirpation ; Yet it has 
nevertheless pleased the Almighty GOD in his great Goodness, after very many of them had departed 
this Life in Faith and Love to Jesus Clu-ist, still to preserve a Remnant of them, who now live together 

1 Rev. AViLLiAM Hanna, the first Presbyterian clergyman at Albany, was educated at the Revd. Dr. Finley's Academy at 
Nottingham in Maryland; he next was assistant at Rev. Dr. Robert Smith's School at Peqiiea, Penns)'lvania, and graduated 
at Princetown College. In 1759 he received the degree of A. B. from Kings College, Kew York, and that of Master of Arts, 
in 1765, from the same institution. He was licensed to preach by the Litchfield Presbytery, Connecticut, 28 May, 1760. He 
became pastor of the Presbyterian Church organised for the first time in Albany in 1762, of which congregation he continued 
pastor for the space of about five years. But " having taken a civil commission from the governor," and " as it was not 
customary for any member of the church to which he belonged to bear a civil office," the congregation requested his Dismis- 
sion, which followed accordingly. It seems that he next moved to Schenectady, after having studied law with Mr. 
Silvester of Albany, and was admitted to practice, as appears above, in May 1767. But his success at the bar was not com- 
mensurate with his expectations, and in 1771 he expressed a desire to be admitted to orders in the Church of England. The 
clergy of New York, for reasons to be found in Dr. Auchmuty's letter (post) of the 11th June 1771, thought it would not do 
for them to recommend him for ordination, but suggested his application to Lord Baltimore. He thereupon proceeded to 
Maryland, and having been furnished with letters to Col. Washington and other leading gentlemen of "Virginia, he went next to 
the latter Colony. His reception, here, was so favorable that he, forthwith, sailed for England, where the Bishop of London 
conferred orders on him, 14 June 1772 — Ed. 


in brotherly Love at Wiealusing on the Susquehannah possessing the same Mind with Us to lead a 
peaceable and quiet Life in all Godliness & Honesty imder the British Government. 

This Infant Lidian Settlement, which we now have the Pleasure of seeing in a prosperous Situation, 
We beg Leave to recommend with our Missionaries, to Your Excellency's Kind Notice and 

In this View I have the Pleasure of* transmitting to Your Excellency the Greenland History in 2 
Vols, -wrote by David Cranz one of ovir Brethren ; which we beg Your kind Acceptance of. The first 
Vol : Containing a Description of the Country and tlie natural Curiosities of that cold Climate, I flatter 
myself, may not prove Unentertaining and tlie second, I imagine will convey to Your Excellency tlie 
truest and best Idea of tlie Brethrens Metliod of propagating the Gospel amongst the Savage Nations. 

For this Purpose also this History has been presented to their Majesties the King and Queen, the 
Ministers of State, Bishops & Board of Trade &c. &,c. 

In Behalf of the Members of the Brethren's Society for the Furtherance of the Gospel amongst 
the Heathen I have the Honour to subscribe myself 

Your Excellency's most obed' Humble Servant 

John Arbo, Secretary. 


Sir, It is a great satisfaction to the society to be informed, that you perfectly approve their 
resolutions, with regard to Indian Missionaries, & Catechists, & are very desirous of seeing some 
part of the scheme carried immediately into execution. This is a point we have constantly kept our 
attention upon ; and are truly sorry that we have not yet been able to engage any proper person to 
undertake that employment. We had good hope that some of tlie more approved & experienced 
among the Clergy in your parts, wiio from their knowledge of the Indians, & their acquaintance 
in the neighbourhood, & especially from that countenance which you would naturally give them, 
might become likely to have the best Success, Avould not have been unwilling to have taken this 
appointment ; especially when they had some kind of assurance that a larger salary tlian usual 
would have been allowed on such an occasion D"" Auchmuty tells me, that he has done every thing 
in his power to forward our Scheme, but without success. " Perhaps, says he because the Clergy 
do " not care to leave a certainty for an uncertainty." We tlierefore desire you to inform us, what 
you think would be a proper allowance to offer to a Miss''y for this department : The Society are 
ready to concur to tlie utmost extent of tlieir abilities to carry on so beneficial a design ; the' 
indeed tlieir income is far too scanty of itself alone & without some good assistance to forward it in 
the manner they wish. I have tlie honor to be with the most perfect esteem & respect. 

Your most Obed* humble Servant 

Abingdon Street Westminster Feb^y l^t 17C8. D. Burton. ' 

1 Rev. Dasiel Burton, D. D., chancellor of the diocese of Oxford and Rector of St. Peter's Poor, London, was for many 
years Secretary to Dr. Seeker, Archb. of Canterburj', to whose will he Avas also executor. He was raised to the dignity of 
Canon of Christ Church, Oxford, on 24th June, ITtiO, and in 1761 succeeded Dr. Bearcroft as Secretary to the Society for 
propagating the gospel, which office he held until 1773, when he, in his turn, was succeeded by the Rev. Dr. Richard Hind. 
Harriot Burton, his only daughter, married (Aug. 15, 1773,) the Hon. John, afterwards Lord, Trevor, Minister plenipoten- 
tiary to the diet at Ratisbon, in 1780, and to the court of Sardinia in 1783. This nobleman dying (1821) without issue, the title 
is now extinct. Dr. Burton died on the 23d April, 1775. He had the character of a very pious, sensible, diligent, careful 
and disinterested man. — Ed. 



Albany, March 2pt 1768. 
Reverend Sir, Since the Letter which the Mayor did Please to write you, our annul Election 
for the Aldermen and Assistants to serve in this Corporation having taken place and some other 
adventitious Circumstances Intervening have Concurred to delay our answer to your favour of tlie 
27th August last, these being now happily removed we Embrace this oppertunity to answer your 
Letter It gives us much pleasure to find that you think our proposals in several respects Inviteing 
and Generous;' you will do justice to our Sentiments, if you also believe that we wish to have it in 
our Power to do more and if we would chearfully Give every assistance that the projector and 
Patrons of this Scheme have a riglit to require from every Person Impressed (as we are) with its 
utility and Philanthropy, your declining to fix on any particular place for the School without the 
Previous knowledge and approbation of Lord Dartmouth and the other worthy Persons that have 
countenanced the plan and promoted Its success at home by procuring such Considerable donations 
lor its Establishment gives us at once a Strikeing Instance of your modesty, and a high Idiea of your 
Prudence in paying such strict attention to avoid Every step that might tend to Prejudice this Insti- 
tution — Which in its progress may do honor to the age In which it has taken rise and reflect lustre 
on you as the first Promoter, Permitt us to thank you Sir, for having transmitted home Copys of our 
Letters and of those that were Written you on this subject from New York the Gentlemen that did us 
the honor to write tliem are all of distinguished Characters Emminent for Clierishing and Cultivating 
the Social Virtues their Circumstances and situation in life such as sets them above the suspicion of 
sinister or selfish views, and the many oppertunitys they have liad of being acquainted with our moral 
Character from the Frequent Intercourse with us Which their profession Necessarly engages tliem in 
Constitutes them very Computent Judges of it can it then be reasonable to suppose that Gentlemen 
of such as tliey are, should so far forget the duty they owe to themselves and to society as warmly 
to recommend the fixing of a Seminary (In which it will be necessary to Incultivate virtue and 
morallity as much If not more by example than Precept) In the midst of a People of a reputed 
Immoral Character such a supposition would be altogether absurd and we should think ourselves 
Justifyed in resting on their Recommendation only as a sufficient vindication of our Character against 
the uncharitable and unjust ananiadversions of designing men but duly and the Justice we owe to 
our Constituents obliges us to declare that the Present Majestracey of this Place in pursuit of the 
principals laid down by their predessessors make it the first object of their attention to Inspire their 
Constituents with the Loue of Virtue and the abhorrence of vice to this end they discourage whatever 
may tend to Corrupt the manners or debauch the morals of tlie people whilst at the same time 
Encouragement is given to every Plan Cultivated for tlieir liapjainess actuated by these principals 
we readily embraced yours and rejoiced in the fair Prospect tliat sucli an Establishment amongst 
us Promised additional oppertunitys of advanceing the Education of our youth all what we ardently 
wish and therefore what we Could Give we offered with the utmost Good will, if our Good Intentions 
already are or should be prustrated by tlic selfish views of designing persons we shall be Equally 
sorry on our own account as on tlieirs whom they deceive Haveing been already explicet in our former 
letters on the advantages that the school would reap by being in the vicinity of the City we shall be 
silent on that head and make only remark to obviate the difficulty you mention on account of a 

1 The Corporation had offered to give two thousand three hundred pounds to Dr. Wbeelock, on condition that he would 
remove his Institution from Lebanon to Albany. — Ed. 


Supposed want of opportunitys to instruct the Indian Children In Agriculture and the Manuel 
Arts that the Immediate Environs of this City are Inhabited by farmers wliom if we may be allowed 
to Judge of their skill Industry and Occonomy from the affluence of tlieir Circumstances acquired 
only by Husbandry, we shall not hesitate to rank them in the first class of liusbandmen and as tliese 
Children will not require to be taught any otlier manual arts then such as will serve towards pro- 
cureing the immediate necessarys and more Simple Conveniencies of life these too may botli be 
obtained in this City. We could have wished that your son and tlie Reverend M^ Pomory had 
Communicated to us the Intention of their Journey when they were here at tlie time )ou mention 
they would have had no reason to Complain of any Coldness in us nor indeed can we be Charged 
with any as we do not know tliat those Gentlemen were ever liere otherwise tlien by your Letter. 

We thank you Sir for those sentiments of good will that you Express to Entertain Ibr us we hope 
you will have no occasion to Change them and we should be liappy to have you in this Neighberliood 
that you might experience repeated Instances of our's towards you. 

We have read your published account of the School since its beginning it has confirmed our 
opinion that your whole Conduct has been with a view to Promote religion and tlie happiness of 
mankind may God In whose holy worship you are attempting to instruct the uninformed Savages 
Crown all your endeavors with success and Give you to see the accomplishment of your Good work 
and when it shall Please him as the supreame disposer of all things may you depart hence in his peace 

We are Reverend Sir &c. 


Lebanon 8'h April 1768. 
W:pfnl and hon'^ Sirs 

Yours of March &"* Came Safe to hand two days, ago, in wliich I observe and gratefully acknow- 
ledge the unmerited expressions of your benevolence and respects towards me and your truely 
generous dispositions towards this rising Institution. I am sorry that my unguarded manner of 
expressing myself in a former letter respecting the objection so often made against fixing my school 
in the vicinity of your City (viz the bad morals of the place) was received in any other light than 
was simply and honestly intended : my design was only to advice you, that such an objection had 
been frequently and strongly urged ; and to Give you an opportunity to obviate the same's being 
further improved to the disadvantage of the design proposed I had not the least intention or disposi- 
tion to reflect upon your City, or so much as express my own sentiments respecting that matter ; 
however the earless and ungaurded manner of my expression, naturally lead j'ou to conceive, that 
■which was very different from that entire friendship which wolly Governed me in that matter, and 
•which was so far from my intention that I never had a tho't or tlie least jealousy of my being so 
understood, till I was informed of it by my Son, and since more fully by M'' Smith of New York, 
However I hope that matter is now set right, and that you will Candidly ascribe it to that Crow'd 
of affairs, which obliges me relying upon the goodness of those to whom I write, often to dismiss 
even Letters of importance, without such a review as I should otherwise think expedient. 

I shall take the earliest opportunity to transmit your letters, to the Earl of Dartmouth &c, and 
also Cap° Lansing's generous proposal at Stoneroby. 

It gives me sensible pleasure Gentlemen that your sentiments are the same with mine as to the 
expediency and propriety of proceeding, only with the advice and approbation of the Earl of Dart- 


mouth, and tlie other Worthy Gentlemen of the Trust at home respecting the Place to fix this 

I am informed that some overtures are making to invite the settlement of this school in the 
Province of New Hampshire near Coos. 

And by a letter from home, I understand, that Gen' Lyman is using his endeavours to have it 
carried into liis Government on the Ohio, 

I have also lately heard that a new plan is forming to detain it in this Government — what these 
proposals will ripen to, I cannot say, and how Gentlemen at home will have light to satisfie them, or 
wliat expedient they will think proper to obtain light sufficient to act understandingly and safely in 
determining the important point, I cant tell, I desire to do all on my part to be done, and submit 
it to and wait upon the Great Governor and disposer of all events to direct and determine the same 
according to his own holy and righteous will, 

You may assure yourselves tliat the testimonials you have given me of your friendship are not 
the least among the many circumstances which would render the prospect of such a situation 
agreeable to me ; as I am with much esteem & respect 

Gentlemen your most obedient 

and very humble Servant 
The W:pful the Mayor & Aid" I Eleazor Wheelock. 

of y« City of Albany 


Worthy Sir, I suppose, before now, William has again seen his Native Soil, & delivered you my 
last Letter — I had such Expectations from this Lad, that I am sorry I could not prevail upon him 
to stay & prosecute his Studies a little longer; but he got so uneasy at the violent Proceedings in 
these Parts, that he apprehended himself in Danger indeed no Wonder! — Some People here are 
grown so insolent and daring, that many even of the Inliabitants themselves seem to dread the 
Consequences — Tlie Spirit of Violence & Outrage flames not only here, but throughout several of 
the Colonies, and bends its Fury at present against the Bishops & the Church of England: — where 
it will end, God only knows. 

Ever since the Murder of the Canestogo Indians, their Plantation, called Indian Tovrni of Canestogo, 
has lain open to waste, & to the Use, or rather Abuse of every bold Intruder — I lately made some 
Enquiry about the Indian Deeds relating to this town, which I once saw iu the Hands of some 
Persons, who were suspected to be concerned in the Assassination of those hapless Wretches, & 
had tlie Pleasure to be informed that they had been collected by Cap* M<=Kee, & by him trans- 
mitted to you. 

Now I humbly request the Favour of you to permit me to take this Plantation under my Care, 
and to sow one of the clear Fields untill it is claimed by, & wanted for the Use of the proper Owners 
— I ask this Favour because the Land is convenient to me (being only seven miles from Lancaster,) 
and as I live in a town, where I have no Land of my own near, & where Grain of every kind is sold at 
a most extravagant Price — I am likewise encouraged to make this Application as I am well assured 
that my Care of the Plantation, in preventing future waste & keeping off Intruders, will fully 
compensate for any Benefits I may reap from a little Crop; And I promise to resign it in good 
Repair whenever demanded by you or the Indians — If you sliould think proper then to favour 


my humble Boon, be pleased to appoint me a kind of Agent or Overseer to take Care of this 
Place by a Certificate, or in any other manner which you shall deem better — I trust you will pardon, 
Worthy Sir, tliis SoHicitation — The Admission with which you have honoured me to your Favour 
& Friendship, leaves no Room to doubt but you will kindly indulge me the Freedom of tliis 
Address, & always allow me the satisfaction of declaring myself. 

Your most obedient, obliged and Affectionate humble servant 

The Hon^'e Sir William Johnson, Baronet. Tho Barton. 

P. S. As it might give some Offence to tlie Proprietary Agents that this Application was not made 
to tliem, I would beg to receive the Favour* I ask, as if from yourself, who thought it necessary 
that tliis Plantation should be put under the Care and Protection of some Person who lived near it 
— May I hope for an Answer as soon as your Avocations will allow you to liear me. — Vive diu 
salvus & sospes! 

This will be delivered to you by M'' Clench, a Man of Property who resided many years in 
Reputation in this County, but now moves with his Family to the Mohawk River. 

Endorsed " supposed in May 1768." 


Schonactady, 5th of August 1768. 
Hon'^ Sir Our Congregation begs to know wether there is any reason to Expect M'' Mm-ray ' soon 
here, if not if your Honour approves of it, we would give him an Invitation to come here, that 
if this place is agreeable to him and he to us. we will then Subscribe yearly as much as lies in our 
power for him, tho' I really think it will not exceed JE40 this Currency but however if M^ Murray 
comes and you think him a person that [is] likely to promote Religion among us, we make no 
doubt but you will Sir : by recommending another Mission, to be added to this, or by some other 
means, make the terms agreeable to him we are now the more Anxiously Solicitious on this Head, 
as the Presbyterians are busee to get M^ Bay^ among them I shall not make any appology for 
troubling your Honour with this Letter as it would betray a diffidence in your friendship for our 
Church which we have had too many Proofs, to admit a doubt of 

I am with the utmost Respect 

Sir. your Honour most Obedient Humi^'^ Servant 
To the Honorable Sir William Johnson Bar'. J W: Brown. 

1 Revd Alexander Murray, Episcopal minister of Reading Pa. from 1763,4 to the breaking out of the Revolution, when 
all the Episcopal Churches in Pennsylvania were closed. He withdrew to England, in 1778. Ed. 

2 Rev. Andrew Bat was a native of Ireland, and emigrated to Maryland where he married a Miss Hall. He belonged 
originally to the Newcastle Presbytery. He succeeded Mr. Hanna as Presbyterian Minister in Albany which charge he 
filled for the space of five years, or until about the date of the above letter. He next moved to Newtown, L. I. His name 
first appears as a member of the N. York Presbytery in 1774 by wliich body he was dismissed June 20th 1775. In the records 
of the Synod of New York and Philadelphia, in May 1776, is the following minute : — 

''The Synod renewed the consideration of Mr. JSay's appeal, and after mature deliberation, confirmed that part of the 
Presbytery's judgment which dissolves the union between Mr. Bay and his congregation; and with respect to the latter part 
of said judgment, the Sj^nod are of opinion, that it would have been proper to have recommended to the parties, to leave the 
settlement of all matters respecting the glebe and its appurtenances, to arbitrators mutually chosen ; and they further advise 
that if any disagreement should hereafter arise between Mr. Bay and the congregation of Newtown, respecting said glebe and 
appurtenances, that they decide them in the same way." (Prime's Hist, of L. I. S04.) After quiting Newtown, Mr B. is 
supposed to have proceeded to Charleston, S. C. where his son, Elisha Hall Bay, was subsequently Judge. All his descend- 
ants reside in the South, except a daughter who married a British officer and settled in Nova Scotia. The Rev. Mr. Bay 
was Grand uncle of Dr. Bay, of Albany. Ed. 

Vol. IV. 31 




Sir In searching Mr. Weyman's Papers after his Decease, a Number of the Slieets of the 
Indian Common Prayer that you employed him to print off, came to Hand, but in a very imper- 
fect State: He had got as far as the 74th Page which completes only 9 sheets ; but as Part of several 
of the sheets are not to be found, the exact Number of each is as follows, viz 

A - - 280 sheets - - 417 G 400 

B - - 436 - - 413 H 390 

C - - 460 F - - 413 I ... 406 

I have got all the Copy but what is in the Hands of the Revd. Mr. Ogilvie, who is very willing to 
assist in getting the Work completed, in Case you think proper to have the same carried on. 

I am informed Mr. Weyman had Money advanced him on account of the Common-Prayer ; I 
hope, if tis so, the Work he has done may make compensation, as there is nothing left to pay the 
many Hundreds he owes, and me among the other Creditors the Sum of X300. 

I am ignorant on what Conditions Mr. Weyman undertook this Job ; however if he has made 
any Bargain and you are willing I should compleat the work, I am satisfied to abide by his. 

I do suppose the Number he intended to print must Iiave been 500 ; if so, and tliat Number 
must be completed, the whole must be done over again ; but if 400 would sufl&ce, that Quantity 
could be compleated by only reprinting the Letters A & H. 

As this Matter entirely depends on you, whatever Orders you may think proper to transmit me, 
with regard to the same, shall be strictly observed by, Sir 

Your very humble Servant 

New- York ) H. Gaine. 


Aug. 26, 1768 

•»• Hugh Gaine was an Irishman, and served his time to James Magee, printer, of Belfast. We learn from Thomas, 
that he came to New York in 1745, and worked as journeyman to Parker. His wages at first were a dollar and a quarter a 
week; he afterwards was allowed a trifle for board. To his credit it is stated, that even imder these discouraging circum- 
stances his economy and frugality were such that he saved money, and with the assistance of a friend imported a press and 
types, with which he opened a printing establishment about the year 1750, to which he added a Bookstore, in Hanover Square. 
In 1752, he commenced the publication of the New York Mercury. Having printed in his paper of Nov. 12, 1753, a part of 
the proceedings of the Assembly, he was brought to the bar of the House and reprimanded. He printed the Journals of the 
Assembly from 1691 to 1765, 2 v, fol., and in January 1768 succeeded Weyman as public printer. Sir Wm. Johnson, for 
whom he printed the Book of Common Prayer in the Mohawk Tongue, patronized him, and in the collection of that 
Baronet's Mss. in the State Library, are a number of Gaine's letters, giving Sir William the earliest intelligence, and most of 
the current gossip of the day. He found it very difficult to navigate through the tempest of the Revolution. At first he 
removed his office and business to Newark, N. J. He, however, returned to New York, and resided in that city throughout its 
occupancy by the British. His Mercury was discontinued at the peace, after an existence of about 31 years. He obtained 
permission from the State Legislature to remain in the city after its restoration to the Americans. After which he confined 
himself to book printing. He was punctual in his dealings, of correct morals, and respectable as a citizen. He began life as a 
poor man, but by close application to business amassed a fortune. He died April 25, 1807, aged 81 years. — Ed. 



Johnson hall Sept' 8th 1768. 
Sir I have Just received your Letter concerning the Indian prayer book, which was put into the 
late M'' Weymans hands, The Multiplicity of business prevented my Writing to him About it for 
some time past, Tho' I heartily wish it was Completed. I cannot recollect whether M'" Weyman 
was Advanced any thing on Accot but believe not by me. Neither do I remember what were the 
conditions of our Agreement tho' to the best of my remembrance there was Something proposed in 
that way, but that so usefull a Work might not be Longer delayed, I should be glad you would 
inform me what would be the Expence of re-printing the Letters A. & H. so as to Complete 400 Copys 
(which I think may be sufficient) in a Good Legible Character & on Suitable Paper, if your Charge 
will Answer My purpose I shall then desire you to Corapleat the Work, and shall by the favor 
of M'' Ogilvies Assistance which I make no doubt he will chearfully give on such an Occasion. 

Please to send an answer to Sir 
I was to have ab* 20 Books Your most humble Servant 

neatly bound & Gilt. 

M' Hugh Gaine. 


New- York, Sept 17, 1768. 

Sir Your Favour of the 8th Instant I this Day received, and since my last to you have found 
a Memorandum among M'' Weyman's Papers, in the following Words ; 

"In this Size [which is marked on a Sheet of Paper,] it will make 20 Sheets in 4to, which on 
account of the Difficulty of the Tongue or Language, cannot be done for less that 36s per Sheet, and 
Sir William must pay for the Paper besides, which will be from 12s to 18s per Ream, and each 
Keam will scarcely make 450, the whole therefore will amount to £36: 0:0 for printing only: The 
binding also must be paid by Sir William.'-' 

By the above agreement the reprinting the Letters A and H, will amount to no more than £3: 
12: 0, and the Paper I think not more than 4s. ^ 

I am very glad M' Weyman has had no money advanced him on account of this Work, as what 
he has done w ill serve to pay some Part of his Debts. 

With regard to the Binding, I do suppose they will cost about Is 6d each, and the 20 you want 
gilt, and I suppose in red Morocco, will come very high; however the whole shall be well executed, 
and on as easy Terms as possible, by Sir 

Your humble Servant 

To Sir W" Johnson, Bart. H. Gaink. 




Schonactady Oct 19'h 176S. 
Hon<^ Sir I Received your Interesting Letter, which I immediately Communicated the contents 
which regards the Church to the Vestry which made us all very happy, but as we want words to 
Express our gratefull Sentiments to you as we ought we must be silent we shall instantly sett about 
finishing the Church, tho I fear it will be too late in tlie season to Plaister the walls. According 
to order I have sent 1 Barrell of Rusk Branded on the Head E B which I hope is come safe to hand 
and am with the most gratefull Respect 

Honii Sir Your most Obliged Humi"! Servant 
To Sir William Johnston Barne'. J W Brown. ' 


To Their Excellencies Sir William Johnson Baronet Superintendent of Indian Affairs in 

North America, Sir Henry Moore Esquire Governor of the Province of New York, 

Benjamin Franklin Esquire Governor of the Province of New Jersey and John 

Penn Esquire Deputy Governor of Pennsylvania, now convened at Fort Stanwix. 

The Memorial of Eleazer Wheelock of Lebanon in the Colony of Connecticut, Founder and 

Director of the Indian Charity School in said Colony, humbly sheweth. 

That said School was founded with a single view to promote the knowledge of the only true God, 
and our common Salvation especially among the Savages of this Land ; thereby to deliver them from 
their present miseries, make tliera good Members of Society, loyal Subjects to our rightful Sovereign, 
and especially cordial subjects to the King of Zion. and tlie Plan has since been well approved, 
and the School generously endoAved by the Liberalities of his present Majesty King George the third, 
and by many Noblemen and Gentlemen in Europe, as well as by many charitably disposed People 
in America. — and much Labour and cost have been already expended to fit and qualify a number 
both English and Indians for Missionaries and School-Masters among their several Tribes who are 
now or will soon be ready to enter iipon their respective services, if suitable doors should 

1 "We learn from Mr. L. H. "Willard of Union College, that John "W. Brown was born in the year 1727; he came to this 
country from London and settled in Schenectady in 1748. He married a Miss Wcmple, and left one son and two 
daughters. After having passed evenly through the troubles of the revolution, in which he manifested very little interest, and 
arriving at an advanced age, he laid down to rest in 1814. The following is a copy of the inscription on a slab in St. George's 
Church 1 Schenectady: — 

3tt Memory of JOHN W. BROWN 

Who departed this life, 

June 301" 1814; aged 87 years. 


Came to Schenectady 1748; 

Where he remained untill his death; 

The founder and steady friend of this 



oe opened for their improvement therein. Some attempts have also been already made among the 
Onoidas, and not without some encouraging Prospect that their Lives and Manners may be soon 
formed to rules of decency, civility and religion. — Some endeavors have also been used by your 
Memorialists the last spring to introduce Missionaries and School-Masters among the Onondagas and 
Tuscaroras, which proposal they appeared to approve ; but suspended their full determination to 
comply with it ; till they could have the concurrence of their Brethren of other Tribes tlierein. 

And your Memorialist, being now informed that all the Nations are summoned to meet upon the 
present public occasion, has judged it seasonable to improve the same for the purposes aforesaid, and 
especially as he hopes he may have the advantage of your countenance and Influence, therein ; 
which he doubts not your compassion towards those miserable Creatures will constrain you cheerfully 
to afford to the utmost of your power if you shall think the Plan well devised to attain the end 
proposed. And he has therefore sent the Rev^ Ebenezer Cleaveland' and M'' Allen Mather on 
purpose to solicit your favour and assistance in this matter, by recommending to them the design 
of sending Missionaries and School-Masters among tlieir several Tribes ; or by any other ways or 
means, which your great wisdom and prudence shall dictate — relying on your Candour and the 
Nature of the Cause to excuse the freedom and boldness herein assumed by him, who is with highest 
Esteem and Respect, May it please your Excellencies, 

Your most obedient and most humble servant 

Dated at Lebanon October 16'^ A. D. 1768. Eleazer Wheelock. 


To the Hon*>'« Sir William Jolmson Superin' of the Six Nations &c. 
Tour Excellency having receiv'd a Letter lately from the Rev^ D'' E. Wheelock as also seen his 
Instructions for propegateing the Gospel among the Ind"s &.c. Pursuant wherunto These are humbly 
to desire & importune your Excellency, That in as much as your Excellency hath been pleased 
more publicly, & privately to manifest an approbation, & goodliking to the D^e plan, and laudable 
design of propegateing the glorious Gospel among the Ind"^, under your Excellencies Superinten- 
dency : so your Excellency would please Still to countenance, & encourage the truely noble design. 
And in order to prosecute the same to effect, that your Excellency (as a tender Father to these 
perishing Indians) would be pleased, of your most generous & benevolent disposition, so to befriend 
their cause, as to prevent their setting themselves off from their Lands ; therby to frusterate the 
afors'J design of propegateing the Gospel among them, which undoubtedly will be the Sad conse- 
quence of their so doing, that this effect may not hap'en, your Excellency is humbly desir'd to 
restrict the Bounds of the respective Provinces, that they may not be extended So far North & 
west, as to cut off the Lands & Inlieritances of the Natives : but tliat they possess & enjoy them for 
their own private Temporal use ; and that more Sacred benefit of propegateing tlie knowlege of the 
great Saviour of the world among them , that so, by the Grace of God, they may have a further- 

1 Rev. Ebenezer Cleaveland was born at Canterbury, Conn., in the year 1726. He studied at Yale College. While at 
home, during a vacation in 1744, he attended a dissenting meeting for which he was brought to an account on his return. He 
pleaded that he was, with his parents, a member of the church. This excuse would not be received and he was expelled. 
This extreme proceeding called forth much public indignation. He received his degree in 1749, and died minister of Glouces- 
ter, July 4th, 1806, aged 79 years. — Allen. 



opportunity of a more general offer of the Gospel to them. And for this end, that your Excellency 
would be pleased to recommend, out of your clemency, and goodness, the above design of prope- 
gateing the Gospel among them, To the Heads & Chiefs of the Nations that may be present at 
tliis Congress And finally, that we may have an oppertimity, by order of your Excellency, to lay 
tlie same before tlie Heads & cliiefs tliat may be here. And in so doing, your Excellency will not 
onelygain furtherjust esteem, and deserved thanks of all that wish well to this most Christian design; 
but the blessing of many ready to perish will come upon your Excellency in this present world, 
and in tlie world to come, thro' y^ Grace of God, life everlasting which is the unfeigned desire, & 
constant Prayer of your Excellencys most obliged 

Humi^'e Servants 

Jacob Ws. Johnson ? • • 
Dated Fort Stanwix October 17"> 17C8. David Avery ^ missionaries 

*,* Rev. David Avery, after his return from Fort Stanwix, graduated at Tale College and went in 1771 to preach to the 
Indians on Long Island. He was ordained at Hanover 29th August 1771 as assistant to the Revd Mr. Kirtland at Oneida 
whither he immediately proceeded. After spending a year there he was obliged to abandon the Mission, in consequence of 
the Indians in that quarter being entirely disinclined to receive a second Missionary or school Master. This cause added to 
his ill health, discouraged Mr. Avery so much that he returned to Dartmouth. 


Sir May it please your Excellency To informe the Indian Chiefs here present that the Reasons 
why I was not present at the First opening of the Congress. Was partly oweing to my being 
unwell that day and partly by misinformation of the Time when upon my hearing of the Condolence 
&c I much regretted my absence and especially since I have heard some ill improvement has been 
already made of it by Monsir Mountour which may possibly yea probably prejudice the minds of 
the Indians against me & even the Protestant Religion which Sir is very affecting & grievious to me 
& sundry others who have reminded me of it with concern — your Excellency will therefore please 
to let my Fathers & Brethren of the Indians know I Heartily Sympathize with them & am greatly 
grievd & concernd that there should be any impressions made on their minds of a contrary tendency 
Let them know I am a most sure & fast Friend to them and especially their Souls Salvation who 
am may it please your Excellency 

Your excellencies Hum* Serv*. 

(Endorsed) Parson Johnson's letter, Jacob Ws. Johnson 


To Sir William Johnson, Governer Franklin, The Rev^ Mr Peters, the Chief Justice 

Smyth, Coll. Johnson and the other Respectable Gen*" of this Table. Health 

& prosperity to you all. 

In as much as I am a minister of Christ, & my Work principally to preach the Gospel to the lower 

rank of people: I have not used my self much to the company, & converse of Gent" of the Civil & 

Military order especially in the pleasure and practice of drinking Healths, Loyal Toasts &c 


wherfore I may easily oifend in this respect, with no ill meaning — And in as much as in drinking 
the Kings health yesterday, I used such terms, as to offend Col Johnson Mr Chief Justice, & it may 
be some others, In saying I drink the King of New EngJ Health, the Health of the King, that hears 
our Prayers, &c I do hereby honestly, and before him that knoweth all things, protest, I had no other 
meaning then, or now, but what is express'd or imply'd in these words — I drink the Health of King 
George iii. of Great Britain &c — comprehending New Engd & all the British Colonies & provinces 
in North America. And I mean to drink such a Health to his British Majesty, when occasion serves 
so long as his Royal Majesty shall govern his British, & American subjects according to Magna 
Charta, or the great charter of English Liberties, and hears the prayers of his American Subjects, 
when properly laid before Him — But in case his Bitish Majesty (which God in great mercy prevent) 
should superseed & proceed contrary to charter lights & privileges, & Govern us with a Rod of 
Iron, & the mouth of Canons and, make his Little Finger thicker than his Fathers loyns, and utterly 
refuse to hear or consider our Humble prayers; then, & in that case I should think it my indispen- 
sable Duty to seek a retreat else where: or joyn with my Countrymen in Forming a New Empire in 
America, distinct from, & independent of the British Empire: agreeable to a projected, & predicted 
Plan in a late essay* which in Substance agrees with my mind in these things & if I am not mistaken, 
with every true son of Liberty. 

Tour Excellencies most Obed' Humle servt 

Fort Stanwix octob, 20 1768. Jacob Ws. Johnson. 

* a late essay Intitled the Power & Gendure of Great Britain, Founded on the Liberties of the 
Colonies &c. 


May it please Your Excelency 

It is with some apprehension of Concern I write — I am sensible of the great propriety of Your 
Excellencys forbidding the Ind"s intoxicating Spirits (at this Time) — and besides the other Ind" in 
gen", It may be observ'd the Seneca's who have been a great while in coming — come arm'd — while 
we at the Fort & round about are naked — & defenceless — They have also (it is s"^) their Romish 
Priests among them: who hold it meritorious to kill Hereticks (as they call us) And our sins and 
provocations may incense Heaven to let them lose at unawares upon us; if the utmost care, & 
precaution be not taken — which your Excellency in his superior Wisdom will doubtless well consider 
— & give orders accordingly. As the Scituation of affairs wear a most threatning aspect (at this 
juncture) so I can't but think it a time to be serious, if there be any sucli Time: And in this Spirit 
I write to your Excellency. If my apprehensions are groundless, I shovi'd be glad, & ask your 
Excellencies forgiveness — who am with all due Respect your Excelly, 

obed' Hum'e Servt 

Fort Stanwix octobr 22 1768. Jacob W^ Johnson. 

P. S. As I am aseer, I may be knowing to some things — Your Excellency possibly may not — which 
occasions me thus to write — #*#*#*#*» 



To Sir W'" Johnson Goveruour Franklin Col Grahom Co] Butler and other Respectable 
Geutn Intrested & concei'ned at their Congress. 
Hon'* & Eespectable 

As I am here in behalfe of D^ Wheelock in the cause of Propegateing the Gospel among the Indians 
of these Nations I must be Faitliful To let you know that whereas the D'' Especially & some others 
witli liim liave laid out mucli Labor & cost with a view to spread the Gospel among tlie Indians 
we are extremely loath to see the cause dye under our hands and a fund at Home of above £12000 
Sterling that was raised by Noble generous & charatable benefactors and additions therunto in this 
country be lost or diverted from the design of the Doners which we Imagin must be in whole or in 
great part if tlie Indians & especially these Onoida's yield up their Lands We therfore ask tliat a 
Door may be kept open to them where the Gospel has been preached and Schools set up tliat we 
may know wiiere to find them & not have to ramble all over the world after them or Find them 
vassals on other mens Land And as we propose to propegate the Gospel in the most open christian 
& catholick manner imaginable we are quite unwilling to be circumvented in any way whatsoever 
being assured our Design is good whatever our success may be And therfore pray you most Hon'" 
Gent" duely & deeply to consider & weigh the Cause not for man but for God to whom you & I 
must soon give an account I am ready to confer with any of you Gen'" & others who would know 
farther of these things or would make any Proposals about them which I have thus in gen'' hinted at 

who am with all due Respect yours 

Fort Stanwix octob 30 1768. Jacob W^ Johnson. 



Know Ye That Whereas The Rev^ D'' Eleazer Wheelock of Lebanon in the Colony of Connecticut 
in New England Minister of Jesus Christ is about to Set up a College or Great School for the benefit 
of the Indians which generous & good design is favuurd by your Royal Father the King of Great 
Britain The Earl of Dartmouth together with many wise as well as great & good men And a place 
is now Searching out whearon to set up s<^ College and many great oflFers made in Lands & Monies 
wherwith to endow s<^ College in several of the neighbouring English Goverments but no place 
resolv'd upon as yet to set up s*^ College. — 

These are therfore to ask of you Fathers & Brethren if it be your minds and what you would 
choose to appropriate & devote a certain tract of your Land or country for this great & good purpose 
on or near The Mohawk River or wherever you in your Wisdom may tliink most convenient of such 
extent and worth as may be sufiicient with what monies & other Benefactions & Charities may be 
given to endoAV s"! College That it may be of a most Public & extensive use & benefit to the several 
Nation of Indians And this proposal is made with no view to acquire your Lands for any private use 
of any person or persons no Fathers & Brethren we dont want youi* Lands for ourselves but for this 
most public use & benefit to the Indian Nations if it shall be your Desire to have it set upon 


your Country rather than on the English ground and upon a Representation made herof to the 
Hon'e & Respectable Board of Trust in Great Britain They shall think it more expedient & better 
upon all views & considerations to set it in your Country rather than on the English Ground. 

Your answer to the above Proposil is lesird By Jacob W^ Johnson Minister of Christ & Mis- 
sionary to the Onoida Indians & otiiers. 



Sir Your favour of the 12th ultimo from Fort Stanwix, is now before, which I should have 
aMswered mucli Sooner, had I not well known you were deeply ingaged in Business of greater 
consequence to your Country, and I rejoice to hear you have so happily succeeded in tl e same. 

I expect to have the Prayer Book finished by Christmas, but as it will make several sheets more 
than was at first imagined, I am confident the Binders will expect 2s. instead of Is 6 for the plain 
Ones Please to let me know how^ many you'll want in Morroco Leather. I heard the Revd M"" 
Ogilsby say, he should have Occasion for a few neatly bound. 

With Regard to the Price of the Printing I Avill only say this, that when the Bargain M' Weyman 
made, is completed, tlie Printer will liave but very little for his Trouble, and tlmt there would be 
a much greater Benefitt resulting from English at half tlie Price. However I want no more than 
what is reasonable which I am very certain you will allow me. 

The Diiference to me in an Impression of a 1000 or 400, with Regard to the Labour, would not 
have been £5 and should have been no moie to you than that of the Paper, but now that is too Lite 
to be thought of 

I have sent to Boston for a set of Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts-Bay, and there is not 
a gilt 4to Bible in this City to be sold, but I shall endeavor to get you one by the Spring, if I should 
run it by way of Falmouth, as we have all agreed not to send for any Goods tins Winter. 

I am your Very humble Servant 

New- York Nov. ? Hugh Gaine. 

19, 1768. S 

P. S. If any of the Common Prayers are to be sent to London, if they are sent in sheets in my 
Opinion it may do, as they can be bound there to satisfaction. 



Johnson hall, Nov 24"' 1768. 
Dear Sir, I have now the pleasure to enclose you a Copy of the Indian Deed of Cession to his 
Majesty specifying tlie Boundary as also Extracts of the most material parts of the Transactions at 
the late Treaty. The Indians insisted on their Title to the Lands as far as the Cherokee River, 
which they Cede to the King and I was contented to admit it in the Deed & Transactions, notwitli- 
standing any pretended Claim of the Cherokees, because it puts an End to the Claim of the North- 
ern Indians, and leaves it only to be settled by the Cherokees sho«^ the latter appear to have any 
Vol.. IV 32 


Colour of a title thereto, Tho I am Confident they have no pretensions to Lands North of that River 
or beyond certain Mountains which I heard both the Cherokees and 6 Nations many years ago 
declare to be the true boundary between them. The Indians were for Continuing the Line from 
Canada Creek in a manner which wot^ have been judged very disadvantageous to this Province and 
therefore we agreed to stoj? at the Mouth of Canada till his Majestys pleasure wo^ be known, when, 
as it is an affair in whicli only Two Nations are concerned I apprehend I can settle it reasonably 
and perhaps on much more advantageous terms. 

It will be impossible for you to Judge in tlie least of my Trouble and the difficulties I had to 
overcome from the Extracts I have sent or indeed from a Copy of the whole, for the most Material 
Points are settled at private Congresses with the Chiefs of wch no minutes can be taken, and these 
I was engaged in Night & Day, for as we came to Argue the Continuation of the Boundary North- 
w^ard from Fort Pitt, Ave had sevi disputes & the difficulties encreased in proportion as we went to 
the Northward and Came near the Settlements of the Six Nations or their depend'^ and to add to all 
this Two N. England Missionaries came up the one of whom was strongly recommended to me by 
D'' Wheelock of Connecticut and did all in their power to prevent the Oneidas (whose property part 
of the Susquehannah &c is) from agreeing to any Line that might be deemed Reasonable They had 
even the face in opposition to his Majestys Commands & the desire of the Colonies to Memorial me 
Praying tliat the Ind^ might not be allowed to give up far to the North or West but to reserve it 
for the purposes of Religion, — and publickly declared to sev^ Gentlemen there, that they had taken 
infinite pains with the Ind^ to obstruct the Line & W'Ould Continue to do so. The New Englanders 
have had Missionaries for sometime amongst the Oneidas & Oghquagaes and I was not ignorant 
that their old pretensions to the Susquehanna Lands, was their Real, tho' Religion was their 
assumed object, but knowing that any steps I could take with these Missions^ would from the Ind^ 
conceptions be deemed violent I treated them with silent contempt, Tho I think you should 
know these Circumstances, & the Government & public in Gen' should see in what manner their 
favors & Indulgences are made use of by tliese Gentry of which I co<^ give many Instances being 
possessed of their secret instructions & many other very extraordinary papers. 

The Reservations the Ind^ have made and every tiling else necessary will I hope be confirmed 
& secured by Colony LaAvs, I have only at this time to add my Wislies that the Transactions at the 
late Treaty may be agreeable to you, & to assure you that 1 am with the greatest Truth & Regard. 

Dear Sir &c 

My last Letters were of the 18'h & 20*^ of this month. 



N. York 28 Nov^ 17C8. 
Sir As I had often visited M'" Gaine ab* the Ind" Prayer Books I was w''' him this Day, he says 
all tliat he has to do w*^ them will be finishd in a few Days then Avill send tliem to the 
Binders so that in less than a fortnight you may have some of them up. I have made bold to tell 
him not to let any go out of his hands till you have the whole that you want, for lie spoke as if M"" 
Ogilvie would Expect some to send to his friends in England. M*' Gaine desir'd me to inform you 
that those tliat von woud have bound in Moroco Leather had better be sent in Sheet to England & 
bound there as 'hvill be difficult to get that sort of Leather, Expensive, & the work not so neatly 


done as in England, y"" Letter to Lord Hillsborough I gave to M' Adams as I understood he had 
Liberty of sending y'" Dispatches by a private Ship if none of y^ kings Pacquets were here: there is 
a new Pacquet for y^ kings us Comanded by Cap' Goodridge advertis'd this Day to go in 
December. Gen' Gage not yet retuuid tis said he is by the Way on the Land Richards is arriv'd in 
ten Weeks no material news can I gather from home or here. 

I am wth liue Respect to you & family 

yi^ most obligd & very hble Serv* 

R<^ Shuckburgh. 


Schonactadj; December 6*1' 1768. 

Sir On the receipt of your Letter you hond me with dated 24*'' October, we immediately wrote 
to M'' Murrey but have not yet rec^ an answer we could not go on at that time with Ceiling th« 
Church as there was not one Plaisterer in Town, so concluded to stay till the Spring when Mauffet 
as Promised to do it, we shall give M"" Sutton the offer of the Joiner* work as any recommendation 
from your Hon' Ought and shall always be an agreeable command with us. but the way M'" Davies 
and he proposes will Vastly exceed what we can pretend too, it gave me real concern that M' 
Peters had left this place before we knew it which was owing to M' Clinch forgetfulness as he 
promised to acquaint me with his arival here as we intended to have return'd him our gratefull 
thanks. I have talked with Collins very plain about the money which he collected for the use of 
the Church at Fort Stanwix but he declares it is not more than twenty nine Shillings but if so he 
surely ought to have Acquainted your honour there witli 

I am with the Most Dutifull respect 

Sir your Most Hurabl Servant 

To the Honorable Sir William Johnson. J. W. Brown 


Johnson hall Dec' IQth 1768. 

Dear Sir I wrote you yesterday by Major Gorham, This Letter is addressed to you at the intreaty 
of the Bearer M^ Adair,' who I am informed was for many years a Trader of fii-st consequence 
amongst tlie Clierokees &c. I believe his present Circumstances are very indifferent but he conceives 
he has a prospect of some advantage in view from the Publication of a manuscript he has wrote on 
tlie Manners, Customs & History of the Southern Indians, tending to prove their descent from the 
Hebrews, wliich performance shews him a man well acquainted with the Languages, and very 
Curious in his Remarks, His design is to go for England and (if he may be allowed) to take some 
Cliicksaws with him, & as none of that Nation were ever there he conceives it would be for the public 
advantage to Shew them the greatness and power of the English. 

I apprehend that your Patronage in whatever shape you may please to Countenance his design, is 
his principal object. If he is worthy of it in any degree my recommendation is needless — His ap- 

1 James Adaib, author of the History of American Indians, London 4to, 1775. 


pearance may not be much in his favor and his voluminous Work may rather be deemed Curions 
tlian entertahiing, but he is certainly well acquainted with the Southern Indians, and a man of 
Learning tho Rusticated by 30 years residence in a Wild Country — He thinks that I could serve 
him by mentioning him to you, and I hope that his importunity in consequence of that opinion will 
apologize for the Liberty I have taken in Giving you this Trouble. 


Johnson Hall Janv S^ 1769. 

Sir The return of M'' M"=Clay affords me a good opportunity of answering your favor of last month 
on the subjects you mention on some of which M'' Peters & I have conversed, and to whom I have 
wrote fully the other day as well concerning M' Murray, as of the Two Young men you mention for 
Orders your Sentiments on which 1 greatly approve. 

I long since informed tlie Society that if his Majestys permission was obt^ I would use my Interest 
to get a valuable Tract of Land for the Church but have never since received any tiling concerned it, 
I however lately secured a purchase made by myself for these purposes, k if the Society will use 
their Interest to obtain the Royal Grant, I will still endeavor to get a large purchase to the North- 
ward where the Line is not yet Closed. 

M^ Barton and yourself may be well assiu-ed of my friendly regards, and of my inclination to do 
you any good office in my power, I am likewise Sensible of your care of my Son, and your good 
inclinations towards him, and wish I could obtain the Tract you require in a Convenient place. 
The Line as I before observed is not closed to the Northward so that Lands there must lye till his 
Majestys pleasure is known, and for the rest it is Ceded to the King by the late Treaty, so that it 
is hard to know what will be the Channell for Patents in future, and the fees here are Extremely 
high — at the late Treaty nothing was done with regard to Lands but what related to the boundary, 
or had been before determined on, should any Tract answer that may be had on a reasonable lay, 
worthy your attention, I shall be very Glad to serve you in it. I am much obliged by the honor 
done me in Choosing me a Member of the Philosophical Society, and altho' my Necessary Avocations 
must deprive me of much of the pleasure I might otherwise receive as one of that Body. I cannot 
but accept it with many thanks, heartily wishing that their Institution may be attended with that 
Utility to the public & Reputation to the founders which may be reasonably expected from the 
Transactns of Gentlemen who apply themselves to studies of such Importance. 

Be assured. Sir, of the perfect Esteem with which I am always. &c. 

•,• Rev Dr. Smith to whom the above letter is addressed, was a native of Scotland and graduated at Aberdeen in 1747. Ho 
then immigrated to this country, and on being invited to take charge of the College in Philadelphia, returned to England and 
received orders in the church of England in December 1753. In May following he was placed at the head of the Philadelphia 
institution. He revisited England in 1759 when the degree of D.D. was conferred on him by the University of Oxford. After 
a life of much usefulness he died in that city May 14. 1803, aged 76 years. His works in 2 v. 8vo. are in the State 
Library. Ed. 



New London Jan-^y 24th 1769, 

Dear Sir Nothing could make me so happy as to hear of your liealth, indeed I am Extremely 
impatient for this as I liave not heard anything from tlie Hall since I left Albany. 

I was at New Haven last week where the General Assembly of this Colony were setting and heard 
Colo Dyer make his application to them for a Deed of the susquehanna Lands — in doing this he was 
pleased to say somethings that I knew were not true and informed several of the House of it & Could 
I have stayed untill he Came out should have told liim so — I have since heard the Assembly did not 
Choose to give any Deed — One Keeny who says he has been a Missionary or Preacher, with the 
Indians has told many of them here that you have oi'dered all the dissenters out of the Indian 
Country and will suffer none but Church men to preach to or have any thing to say to them— 
Numbers of tlie Saints have applyed to me I informed them that I heard the Seneca and Onon- 
daga Sachems say none of them should Come amongst them untill tlie Oneida's grew better & 
Reformed their manners. 

Some Gentlemen tliat may be depended on who I have seen within these few days from Boston 
Report that the People there who were such Hero's in August & Sept. last are now under the most 
terrible apprehensions for fear of being Called to Great Britain by virtue of a Lord Cliief Justices 
Warrant — Ibr Calling & meeting at a Famous Convention and other matters of tlie same Nature — 
Some Letters from London Mention that Lord George Sack vile is talk't of to succeed Mr Barnard 
I have sent you with the Boston papers one Published in this Town which I think a very curious 
one indeed I can't help being of opinion that the Resolutions of this Parliment will put a stop to 
many things of this sort. 

I have wrote two or three Letters to Col" Croghan but have not had an answer — hope my good 
friends in the Neighbourhood of Fort Jolmson are very well also those at the Hall and beg my 
Respects to them — M''^ Chew presents hers to you and I offer all the good wishes in my Power for 
your health & Happiness and am most sincerely and Respectfully 

Dear Sir your most Obed' & Most Hble Serv* 

The Honi'ie Sir W"" Jolinson Bar*. Jos Chew. 


Johnson Hall Jany 25'h 1769. 

Sir I am to thank you for your favor of the 4th Inst, and for the particulars you communicated 
concerning the Conduct of the Gentleman & party therein mentioned, relative to which I by the 
same post received some farther accounts of a personal Nature wJiich obliged me on his lately 
applying for my Interest at the ensuing Election, to address him particularly on the score of the 
Liberties I heard he had taken, which in a letter in Answer he denys and explains his Conduct 
in that matter, however I shall take tlie first opportunity to Let him know something more of my 
Mind ; — 

As to the present Election It was appointed so Suddenly by the Sheriff that it was impossible to 
Collect the Voters of this extensive County particularly as the roads are so bad & the Rivers 


impassible it being a very uncommon Season in these parts, besides I find no other persons inclined 
to set up, and as to my Son tlio' he is very much obliged to his friends for tlie desire they Express 
in his favor, it is a Station he by no means inclines to. I imagine that the new Assembly does not 
promise long dm-ation for if they take the same affair in hands I presume the Gov will be obliged to 
dissolve tliem unless these matters are settled at home in the interim. There will probably be more 
time given should there be another Election soon, & some persons may start up as Candidates 
worthy encouragem', but I have had such long Experience of the Views and Interests of some 
partys amongst you, that I imagine one or two Members from hence however otherwise inclined 
would prove of little service as to any thing to be done in the House, particularly as to politicks, in 
Matters of Religion indeed, the Church of England is on so respectable a footing at New York 
that I hope & have reason to think it will now Succeed & that it will Extend itself and flourish, to 
which any Consistent endeavors of mine that might- be at all deemed necessary should not be want- 
ing. As to the person you particularly Mention he applied to me at his first entrance into the House, 
& as I had nothing then to urge against him, I made no Stirr, nor had he any opponents. If his 
Conduct since will Justify me I shall at another opportunity do what is needfull, as I have tlie 
pleasure to find that a Conduct which gives me inward satisfaction has produced me an Influence & 
Interest in this Country of which it is not in their power to deprive me, and of which I shall 
never make an iU use. 



Sir This you'll receive by Col. Croghan, who will at the same Time deliver you one of the 
Indian Common Prayers : Agreeable to my Promise I had them compleated by Christmass, and 
they are now in the Hands of the Binders, and I expect to have them ready to send up by the first 
Sloops that go up in the Spring. 

On Enquiry I found that no Books printed in the Colonies, could be sent to Great Britain, but 
at a very great Expence, and shall therefore endeavour to get 2 Dozen done here in Morroco, which 
I hope to get compleated to Satisfaction. The Bible and other Articles you wrote for shall accom- 
pany the Common Prayers. 

The Revd M"" Ogilvie says he must have at least half Dozen of the Common Prayers, which he 
intends for some of his Friends in England. What must be done in this Case ? I only wait your 
Orders, and am Sir 

Your humble Servant 

New-York Feb. 2, 1769. H. Gaine. 



Schenectady 25^1' Feb'J- 1769. 
Sir On Thursday last we Rec<l the inclosed Letter, by which you'll understand, that all our 
Expectations, as to M'' Murray are at an End, you can't immagine how the Disappointment afiects 
us, and wiU be attended witli the Consequences of losing some part of our Congregation by tlieir 
Joining tlie Dissenters, as they have provided tliemselves with a Gentleman who is much 
admired, And as we are at a Loss how to proceed fartlier for the speedy provision of a Missionary, 
We make bold to Crave your Advice liow to act. Last Fall wlien M'' BroAvn was in New Yorlc 
The Rev<* D"^ Auchmuthy told him in Case of a Disappointment with M^ Murray, that he doubted 
not but that (with your Approbation) he could procure us a Worthy Gentleman. We have tlie 
pleasure to inform you that we Waited on the Governour when last here and Received his subscrip- 
tion money, as also tlie sum of £3 5s from CoU' Morris. We are informed that M' Moffat will be 
up next Week to go on with the Chiu-ch. We are with the Greatest Respect 

Sir Your most Ob' & Humble Servants 

Matthew Lyne. 
John Shee. 
Thomas Arnold. 
Jw. Brown. 
P. S. — Pray Excuse haste. 


Reading 31 January 1769 
Sir I was favoured with a Joint Letter from you, Messi's Shee, Brown & Curry dated 2^ Inst. 
But never Received the other you mention of Oct^ last, or woud not have failed so far in Duty & 
Respect as not to have answered it immediately. Jn consequence of some Letters that passed 
betwixt Sir WilHam Johnson & the Rev^ D^ Smith of Philad^^ I wrote the Society in January last for 
leave to Remove to Schenectady, & accordingly obtained their Consent Summer last : But hearing 
nothing in the Interim from the People as I expected from what D"" Smith wrote S' William when 
I applied the Society, I was obliged to drop all farther thoughts of that Mission, & Signified to 
the Society in September last, that, as matters thus stood, they shoud not postpone the Settlement 
of it on my account. And since then I have entered into a married State, which woud make a 
Removal so far as to Schenectady very inconvenient, & the Salary there wou'd be very unequal to the 
Expence of supporting a Family : However I am much indebted you for your kind Invitation, & 
sincerely wish you may be soon provided in a Worthy Missionary, & am with all Gratitude & Esteem 

Sir Your most obliged and very 

Aflectionate Friend & Serv* 

Alex" Murray. 




By His Excellency Tlie Honorable Thomas Gage, General and Commander in Cliief 
of all His Majesty's Forces in North America, &ca, &ca, &ca. 

To the officers Commanding at Fort Ontario, JViagara, Fort Erie, Detroit 4r 
Whereas, Mess""* Danforth and Willard, Professors of the Mathematicks, are going to observe the 
transit of Venus in Lake Superior ; The officers commanding as abovementioned at and on the 
Communication to Missilimakinak, are required to treat them with all such Convenience as their 
respective Posts will afford, and to give all such aid and assistance, as may be in their Power to 
forward the abovementioned Gentlemen, their Attendance &ca with Dispatch from Post to Post 
to the Place of their Destination : And should any of the Vessels be out or not in readiness to 
proceed, upon tlieir arrival at any of tlie Posts, they are immediately to be accommodated with Boats 
and proper Crews to row them across the Lake where this shall happen. 

Tlie officer Commanding at Missilimakinak, is further required to acquaint the Indians, with the 
design of these Gentlemen proceeding to Lake Superior, to reconcile them to their Intentions and to 
prevent any Jealousy tliat might be conceived by them, either from their Errand, or the use of the 
Instruments they carry along with them : He is likewise to Endeavor, to engage some of the Indians 
Inhabiting Lake Superior to attend them, and protect them from any Insults that may be offered 
them, by any straggling Indians they may meet with on the Lake for which service the above Gentle- 
men will make the Indians who attend them a reasonable Present. 

Given under my Hand and Seal 
at Head Quarters in New York, J'l. s. ] 

tins 17"' Day of March, 1769 
By his Excellericy's Command Thos. Gage. 

G. Maturin Jr. 

•»• Great preparations were made to observe the above Transit, (which was to take place on 3d June 1769,) as another 
would not occur until 1874. It was observed on this continent, by Samuel Holland, Esq. at Quebec; by T. Wright, at Isle 
au Coudre; by Prof. Jno. Winthrop, at Cambridge, Mass.; by Joseph Brown, at Providence, E. I.; by Rev. Dr. Smith, at 
Philadelphia; by Messrs. Biddle and Bailey at Lewiston, Del.; by John Leeds, at Annapolis, Md.; by Messrs. Wales and 
Dymond, on the N. W. coast of Hudson's Bay; and by Abbe«Chappe at California. Dr. Harris of Cambridge informs me, 
that Thomas Danforth, mentioned above, was probably the son of Hon. Judge Samuel Danforth, of Cambridge, (Saml. was 
son of Rev. John, of Dorchester, and Rev. John was son of Rev. Saml. of Roxbury — all distinguished for mathematical 
attainments,)— graduated at Harvard College, 1762, was Tutor there from 1765 to 1768, settled as a lawyer in Charlestown, 
Mass., and died in 1820. Joseph Willard graduated at Harvard College, 1765, was Tutor 1766 to 1772, and afterwards 
President of the College. He died in 1804. It is not known whether these gentlemen went to Michilimakioac ; I can find 
nothing of their Journey thither in print. — Ed. 


. Reverend Sir Receiving Information that last Week you being in Company with several Rev^ 
Gentlemen : some one taking Occasion to speak of my being in tlie Province & of my Design with 
respect to A Living, there appeared in yourself & others, A willingness to countenance me in my 
undertakings. Verily Si" there are no Favours which I so gratefully notice as those of this Kind. 


As to my leaving the School at Rye, to engage in the same employ at Fort Johnson, I am pleased 
with tlie Motion, — maiigre the Consideration of Salary in one Place & the other : hopeing that 
m}' Removal tliither may be favorable to my Design of entering into Holy Orders: for whicli office 
may I be better prepared — I am now engaged by the Rev^ M^ Avery in the Service of the Society 
for propagating the Gosple in foreign Parts — from which Venerable Society I understand that yoii 
S"" have Instructions with Respect to Fort Johnson, — Now all things considered it is my U('S(>]ve 
with Respect to leaving Rye to hearken to yours & Mr. Avery's Advice and that no one lia\ e 
Occasion to repent of favor granted to me shall be the steady purpose of your humble servant 
Rye April 3. 1769. John Rand. 

To the Rev«i D^. Achmuty 

P. S. Rev«i Sir, in the above Letter you have M"^ Rand's sentiments respecting Sir William John- 
sons Request — Mr. Rand is complaisant enough to leave the whole affair to our judgment and will 
chearfully comply with our Directions, please therefore to act your own Discretion letting me know, 
very soon (by a Line) your Determination, kind Respects to M^' Auchmuty and Family conclude 
me. Rev" Sir, 

Your Friend and Brother 

Ephm Avery.' 


Honourable Sir, 

Being just now returned from New York, I beg Leave to send you inclosed a Letter from 
Doctor Auchmuty. 

I am sorry that my unexpected Journey did put it out of my Power to wait on the Indians at 
Easter, as I intended, but my Business was so urgent, that I am persuaded you will readily excuse 
me. I shall be much obliged to you Sir, if you will acquaint the Indians, that I am now ready to 
wait on them ; on Trinity Sunday, being the Twenty first of May. If that Day will not Suit, I 
will wait Upon them on the Seventh of May, being the Sunday next before Whitsunday. You 
will please inform me by first opportunity, what time will be most Agreeable to you, & I will 
endeavour to come up accordingly ; but whitsunday you know, is a particular festival on which 
I must administer the Sacrement to my Congregation at Albany, very little News at New York ; 
The Packet was not arrived. M^ Cruger is chosen Speaker in the Assembly, to the no Small 
mortification of a certain Party, who have lost Ground not only in New York, but in Philad^ likewise 
have lately received a mortal wound. 

1 Rev. Epheaim Avery, of Pomfret, Conn., obtained the degree of A. B. from Tale College, and in 1767 received that of 
Master of Arts from the King's College, New York. His mother, it is said, was Deborah Avery, afterwards wife of John 
Gardiner, of Gardiner's Island, and subsequently married to Major Gen. Putnam. Mr. Avery succeeded Mr. Punderson as 
minister of Rye in 1765, and continued in charge of that church until the Revolution, when he became so obnoxious to the 
whigs that his horses were seized, his cattle driven off and his property plundered. He died 5 November 1776. General 
Putnam's wife died in 1777, at Head quarters in the Highlands, and was interred in Beverly Robinson's family vault. — Boltom. 

Vol. IV. 33 


Doctor Chandler has received several Letters from the Bishops & other dignified Clergy, approving 
of his appeal ; He desires me to present his best Respects to Sir William Johnson. He is now 
publishing a Vindication of the appeal, and is to Send Sir William a Copy. 

Please to accept my best Respects, and am with great Regard 

Honourable Sir, Your most Obedient Servant 
Albany 12t'' April 1769. Harry Monro. 

P. S. My best Regards, if you please, to Sir John, Col' Johnson, Col' Claus, M''. Grace, &< M' 
Dailey. adieu. 

*,* The Rev. Harry Munro was born in 1729. He was the son of Dr Robert Munro of Dingwall whose "father was Alex- 
ander Munro, Laird of Killichoan, in Rosshire, grandson of Sir Robert Munro 3d baronet, and 24th baron of Fowlis in 
Inverness. His mother was Ann Munro of Feanourd a distant cousin of her husband. Being the second son of the Laird 
of Killichoan his father was bred a surgeon and in that capacity joined Lord Loudon's army in 1745, and died the next year 
from injuries received in that campaign, leaving two sons, Harry and Alexander Munro. Harry was then a lad of Ifi, & 
shortly after his father's death entered the University of St Andrews. After taking the usual degrees of Bachelor, & Master 
of Arts, lie studied Divinity in Edinburgh. In 1757 he was admitted to orders in the Kirk of Scotland, & appointed Chaplain 
to the 77th Regiment of foot commanded by Col. Montgomery; he accompanied that regiment to America in 1759, and 
served with it to the close of the French war. On the return of Peace he resided mostly at Princeton, New Jersey. A 
change now came over his theological views, and he embraced episcopacy. He was accordingly recommended for orders by 
a Convention of the clergy of that denomination which met at Perth Amboy on 20th Sept 1764, and he sailed for England in 
the course of the month of December following. He returned to America the next Spring with an appointment from the 
Soc : for prop : the Gospel to St John's Church, Yonkers, of which he was the first Pastor — He was connected two years 
with this church, and was appointed in 1767, Minister of St. Peter's Albany, of which church he took charge on the 26 
March 1768. In 1773, King's Coll : New York conferred the degree of A.M. on him. In the summer of 1775, he resigned the 
rectorship of St Peter's on the alleged ground of ill health, and moved to Hebron in Washington County where he owned a 
considerable tract of land. Like many other of the clergy of the church, he was considered at the commencement of the 
Revolution an enemy to the liberties of America. He applied personally in Augnst 1776 to the Albany Committee for a Pass 
to go to New Jersey or Pennsylvania, but this was refused ; he obtained permission the following year, to remove to 
Canada and at the close of the war returned to Scotland, became Rector of a church at Edinburgh, where he died in the 
year 1801, aged 71 years. He is buried in the West Church yard of St Cuthberts church of that city. 

The Revd. Mr. Munro was married three times. Ilis first wife was the widow of an officer of his own regiment. She died 
in child bed within a year after their marriage, leaving one child named Elizabeth, afterwards Mrs. Fisher, who died lately in 
Montreal. In 1762, the revd Mr. M. married Miss Stockton of Princeton N. J. grand aunt, it is supposed, of Con. Stockton, 
U. S Senate. This lady died in the autumn of 1761, leaving an infant who survived its mother but a few weeks. On his 
removal to Yonkers in 1765, he married his third wife Eve, eldest daughter of Ch. Just. Jay. This lady died in 1810, 
leaving one son, Peter Jay Munro, a distinguished member of the bar, and one of the framers of the Constitution of this State 
of 1822. Peter J. M. died 22. Sept 1833, aged 66 years. Letter of E. F. De Lancey, Esq. 


Sir Your favour of the 14th Instant is now before me. I am very sorry the Common Prayer 
Books could not have been sent sooner. The Fault was not mine, but the Bookbinders, out of whose 
Hands I could not get them before the Middle of March, and then only 283, wliicli I sent you the 
first Instant, with all the otlier Articles you wrote for that could be obtained in this City. The 
Prayer Books that are to be bound in Morroco, must be delayed for some Time, as I must send to 
Boston for the Leather; and when compleated shall be sent with the account of tlie whole. 

The Laws of last Session were sent you by Post, as soon as finished, but I suppose have been 
lost by some Means or other in Albany: I by this Opportunity send you another Set, which I hope 


will go safe fo Hand, as also the Votes to the 18th Instant, since which none have been printed, and 

shall conlinue the latter regularly by every Post. 

Bayles General Dictionary is not to be had in this Place, but shall send to London for them as 

soon as we are permitted to import any Goods from that Part of the World. And am, Sir, in the 

mean Time 

Your Obliged humble Servant 

New- York ) H. Gaine. 

April 22, 1769. 5 


Great Sire Tho' I'm just on ye point of returning southwardly, by y® way of Philadelphia ; yet 
my gratitude & intense affection incite me to send you these lines in return for y"' kindness to me 
at y hospitable Hall ; And for y"^ kindly patronage of my weak & honest productions, on y« Origin 
of ye Indian Americans. All ranks of ye learned, here, have subscribed to their being publish'd 
in London, a half year, hence; And y^ two volumes, Octavo, w'l they consist of, I do myself ye 
particular honour, from an innate generous principle, to dedicate to you& Sir Henry Moore ; For tho' 
he has not seen ye manuscripts, yet, on y* strong recommendations of ye Learned, he has patronised 
me, both here, and in y^ I>lauds, and every wliere else, tliat his good nature & philosopliic temper 
cou'd think of My great Hybernian Meccenas as yo've approved of my Indian performance, from y' 
own knowledge and accurate observations, I'm fully perswaded, that, upon my soUicitation, you'll 
take some convenient opportunity to recommend me to y notice of Lord Hillsborough, yf friends 
in Ireland, &c. For,- You know, I came from ye Southward, on purpose to apply to y friendly 
mediation, of whicli General Gage has taken notice, on the account, as I'm infn-med by the Clergy, 
of certain (supposed) Stuart's principles. Opposition makes honest men, only, the more intent • 
and ther's a certain time for every tiling; As y* two letters I did myself ye pleasure to write to 
you, from y^ place, sufficiently indicate, according to ray opinion. 

Please to excuse y» hurry'd-oif scroll and to give my sincere & lasting respects to yf hon'' 
extensive family, one by one ; and to accept the same, from. 

Great Sire y obliged, & very devoted K^^^ Serv* 

N. York April SO^h ann 1769. James Adair. 


Sire, About a month ago, I did myself y* pleasure of writing to you, both incomplyance to y' 
kindly request, and my own ardent inclination. And, now, I re-assume it, returning you my most 
hearty thanks, for your civilities and favours of each kind. 

In a great measure, I ascribe to you my Maecenas, tliat ye Rev** Mess^'s Inglis and Ogilvie, ye Profes- 
sors of ye College, and a good many of ye Learned, here, including, in a very particular manner, the 
good-humourd, the sensible, the gay, ye witty, & polite. Sir Henry Moore, have taken me into their 
patronage ; Tlio' I'm sorry to say, that Genii Gage paid so little regard to y^ friendly letter in my 
behalf, as not to order his Aid de Camp to introduce me when I called to wait of him. Indeed he 


subscribed for two Setts of my Indian Essays and History : And so do several other Gen* on account 
of tlieir reputed merit j for yeJiearned applaud ye performance. In short, Sir, I look down, with a 
philosophic eye, on that, or any such, neglect as a most imaginary trifle ; Especially, if what I 
said to a curious & inquisitive Son of Caledonia, concerning ye well-known mismanagement, & 
ill situation, of our Indian affairs, westwardly, should have occasioned it ; For truth will prevail, 
when painted with its genuine honest colours. 

In y historical part, I shall put myself under y' most friendly patronage, and y' of Sir Henry Moore, 
and do myself y^ particular favour of writing to each of you, from ye southward, before I sett off to 
England, next summer. As His Excelly has not only induced ye Hon^'e members of His Majestys 
Council to give a sanction to my performance, and engaged to perswade ye Comons House of Assem- 
bly to follow their Copy ; But, likewise to continue to take in subscriptions, till ye Books are 
published, and remit me a Bill, on ye agent, at London, as soon as he has heard, by ye public accounts, 
of their being in the Press ; I'm hopefull, you'll be pleased to excuse my freedom of infolding, in 
this, a New- York printed Proposal ; and that y patriotic temper will incite You to shew it to such 
Lovers of letters, as frequent your Hall, in order to gain, at least, nominal subscriptions, and give 
a sanction to the treatise in Europe ; Likewise, y* when I do myself ye honour of writing to you, 
again, you'll be so kind as to remit me their names, at London, according to request. 

I've room to be pretty certain, that four of y^ learned friends, here ; viz, the Rev*^ Doctor Acmody, 
the Rev' Doctor Cooper, and ye Rev»i Mess''^ Inglis & Ogilvie, A. M. will, thro' a true benevolence 
of lieart, recommend me to the notice of ye President of ye Society for propogating ye Gospel, in 
order to obtain a missionary for our old friendly Chickosahs ; and likewise, their patronage in y« 
publication of my Indian work. When you're writing to my Lord Hillsborough, should y own 
public spirit induce you to recommend me to his patronage, it would prove a great advance towards 
obtaining satisfaction for what ye Governm' is indebted me. That, & ye like, I leave to y^ own 
kindness of heart, which always leads and directs you, in support of a generous cause. 

Please to give my most hearty respects to y cheerful and most promising favourite son. Sir John, 
to y« gay, ye kindly, & ye witty Col' Johnson, to his discreet & most amiable Lady, & their pretty 
little Sheelali Grab, who is ye lovely and lively picture of them both ; To all yours. One by one ; 
To Col' Class & his Lady ; To ye Gen* with you, &<= ; and to accept ye same, from. 

Great Sir Y^ very obliged & most H^ie Serv* 
(Endorsed) M^ James Adairs letter supposed to be wrote James Adair. 

in April or March rec^ 18'^ of April 1769. 
Ans«i May 10* 1769. 


Johnson hall May lO'h 1769. 
Sir, I have received two of your Letters since your departure, a third which you speak of, 
never came to hands, but from the others I find with pleasure that you have met with the Counte- 
nance & patronage of the Gentlemen you mention & I sincerely wish they may prove of Service to 
you, tho' I am concerned that you met with any neglect from the quarter you speak of however I 
am hopefull that the protection you have hitherto found will prove a good introduction to your 
Curious performance, & that its publication will tend to your reputation & Interest, to which I 



shall gladly Contribute as far as in me Lyes. I am obliged to you for your Intentions respecting 
tlie Dedication, which I should chuse to decline but that I would not disappoint your good inten- 
tions, tho' I would check the flowings of a friendly pen which unrestrained might go farther tliau 
is consistent with my inclinations. 

I return you your printed proposals, Subscribed to by myself k family with Two or Three others, 
which are as many as I have hitherto had an opportunity of Laying them before, & the time you 
spent in these parts has enabled you I presume to know enougli of its Inhabitants not to be 
Surprised that a Work of that Nature sho^ meet with such Small encouragement. Sir Jolm. Col. 
Johnson &c thank you kindly for the manner in which you have remembered them heartily wishing 
you success, & be assured that I shall be glad to serve you in your undertaking as well as to hear 
of your prosperity being Sir, 

Your real Well Wisher & very humble Servt 
M^ James Adair. 

Richard Young 
Peter Young 
Ilendrick Young 
Richard Cotter 
Hendrick Rynnion 
James Mordon 
Daniel Cammel 
Samuel Davis 
Reneir Vansiclan 
Jacob Veder 
Randel M'Donald 
John Foilyard 
Peter Rynnion 
Peter Potman 
Jacob Doran 
David Doran 


Jeromy Doran 
Adam M'Donnald 
Abraham Boice 
Caleb MCarty 
Hendrick Collinger 
Jacob Servos 
John Servos 
John Miller 
James MGregar 
George Binder 
Christian Rider 
Bernard Rider 
Simeon Scouten 
Francis Bradthau 
John Everot 


Sarah Connor 
Leny Rynnion 
Betsey Garlick 
Baby Garlick 
Rebecca Vansiclan 
Caty Cammel 
Caty Garlick 
Mary M'lntyre 
Peggy Potman 
Eve Waldroff 
Caty Waldroff 
Leny Waldroff" 
Margaret Servos 
Catharine Servos 

Males & Females — 45. 


Began to Open School April y* 17'h 1769. 
Aug' 28«'» 1769 A List of The Indians Children belonging to the Free School at Fort Hunter near 

the Mohawk River in tlie County of Albany and Province of New York with 

their Tribes. 
Bear Tribe David, David, Abraham, John, Jacob, Peter, Joseph, Adam, Brant, Kreenas, Johannes, 

Peter, Nellithe Nellithe (Females) 15 

Wolf Tribe Thomas, Paul, Jacob, John, Daniel, Catharine, Susanna, Catharine. (Females) . . 8 
Turtle Tribe Isaac, Joseph, Daniel, Jacob, Thomas Christianna, Catharine. (Females) 7 

Total 30 

P' Me Colin Mc[Leland] Schoolmaster. 
S'. According to your Direction, I have sent your Honour this List. 



Sir At laet I have been able to send j'ou the Remainder of the Common Prayer. I am sorry 
they have been delayed so long, but I assure yovi it was not in my Power to send tliem sooner, the 
Delay being occasioned by the want of Morroca Leather 

Inclosed you have your own Account, as also the whole Expence of the Common Prayers, 
binding, Paper, &c. which I hope you'll think reasonable. Had it been English, the Printing Work 
could not have been done cheaper. I have not charged you with the News-Paper, as I am at a 
loss to know when you began, but I imagine 'tis not less than 10 years This, Perhaps you can 
remember yourself, as the same is quite unknown to 

Sir Your humble Servant 
New- York ) H. Gaine 

August 31, 1769. I 


Hon'^i ' Sire. As y kindly temper and public spirit invited me to write to you, (exactly after y« 
manner Sir Henry Moore did, with regard to myself) in what manner you could be of any service 
to me, at London, I make free to inform you, that, next April, I set off from this metropolis of 
Georgia-Colony, to London, in order to get my Indian Productions published, there, under y auspi- 
cious patronage ; And, as you firmly believ'd, according to my creed, that general Licences are 
utterly destructive to y« Indian trade, and our barrier settlements and Colonies, by allowing such 
prodgious nubers of worthless trading Pedlars, as can give security for conforming to y^ rules 
of trade, both to overstock it, corrupt y^ Indians by trusting them twice more than tliey can pay : 
then perpexing them fory« effect of their own indiscretion, and betraying y^ Secrets of Government, 
&c &,c I'm hopeful you'll recommend, in concert with Govern^ Wright & Lieu* Govern^ Bull, to 
ye Lords of trade, if it lyes in their sphere of action, a total abrogation of that most pernicious 
custom of granting Licences ; Without which, 'tis y^ universal opinion of all us, who have gain'd 
sufficient skill in Indian affairs, that, when the Creeks have made peace with y* Chocktah nation, 
they'll fall on our valuable weak Colony of Georgia, as they despise us like tame helpless dung- 
hill fowls, and, in their usual set speeches, and bacchanal days, term us so, by having been passively 
allowed, for these nine years past, to shed under y^ greatest security, a torrent of y« innocent crying 
blood of valuable british Subjects, to y^ shame and discredit of every tie of social union. 

If, along with y^ former, y»" own kindly temper & love of ye public good should incite you to 
write any thing, in my behalf, to my Lord Hillsborough or y® Lords of trade and remit it to me 
directed either to y® care of James Parsons Esq'' Attorney at Law, in Cliarlestown ; or to that of 
Mess''^ Tellfair, merch'^ or M"" Johnson, Printer, in Savannah, I shou'd readily receive it : And it 
wou'd be of great service to me ; For your interest is very great, in London. 

I'm hopeful. Sir, that both you and every one of y' extensive & very respectable Family are well : 
and may the divine bountiful goodness, always, preserve ye, so. Be so kind as to present to each 
of them, one by one, my continual sincere well-wishes, and very humble respects ; and to accept 
of y« same from. Hon''''^ Sir, 

Your much obliged k very obed' H^ie Serv' 

Savannah 9'>'f IS'*" An : 1769. James Adair. 



New York Novbr 16 : 1769. 

Dear Sir the Bearer M"^ William Andrews ' is a young Gentleman bread up to the Church well 
Recommended w^ you wiU iind by M' Achmuty' Leters and is a Relation of M'' Campble^ in 
Schonectady M^ Achmuty is of opinion that albany & Schonectady should be butt one Living att that 
M''. Monrow should have it and this Gentleman he preposed for y, Town & the Mohocks I have been 
presse'i on by Several Gentlemen hear to Write y»' honour with this Gentleman and hope you will 
Excuse the Liberty I take in Do itt, for tho I Love ye church very well I know I ought Nott 
to Medle with Church Maters I think he is a Modest Young Man & one w^* you May bring up To 
answer the Discription of Such a Won as you formerly Chose only he has No Wife But that want your 
honour No Doubt Soon Suply him with of the fruitfuU Loanes of your Estate. 

I have seen the Gineral Several Times Since I came to Town he has No Late News of any Dis- 
turbence to y« Westward butt Says itts Expected that some broyles will hapen in y« Spring he Dose 
Nott See lie Says any Service My going this Time of the yeer as ye Indians are all out a hunting 
But thinks I should send Some belts to Lett them know that I wiU be up in y^ Spring he Says y* 
provinces will Neaver Do any thing that was Expected & that Everything Must Return in its 
proper Chanel this Winter under y^ honors Direction or things will Neaver Do Right he Tould me 
yesterday that I must Stay here Till Next Week as he was busey this when he wold have a Long 
Conversation with Me, he Recomended to Me to Memorial the King a bout my Grants &. one of his 
family Tould me he wold Recomend it if I asked Mm after I have hard what the General has to 
say to Me I will write yr honer More fully. 

the Ship Dutchess of Gorden is aRived things in England in the Greatest Confuson Nothing But 
peticions from all y® Counteys prepairing to prevent y^ King Backing the Midlesex & Livery of 
London one M^ Musgroves Leter Just as y^ paice was Made Makes a great Noise this is y«^ Leter 
w** L — d Egermont Shott himself about there is Now a Supleraent printing to yesterday paper wh 
the Berer will Take up to you w^ will Contain ye Leter & all ye News this vesel has brought ye 
packet is Nott yet aRived butt hourly expected. 

Plese to present my Complem'^ to all the Gentlemen with you & blive me with the greatest 
Respect your Honors Most obedient & hum'>''e Servant 

Geo : Croghan. 

To the Hon^ie Sir William Johnson Bar*. 

•»• Geo. Croghan late of Passyunk, Pa. made his will on the 12th June 1782. His daughter Susannah, married Lt. 
Augustine Prevost. He does not seem to have left any male heirs. His will is recorded in the office of the Clerk of the 
Court of Appeals Albany, N. T. Ed. 

1 Revd Wm Andrews was a native of Ireland. He returned home in 1770, when he was ordained by the Bishop of 
London and appointed Missionary at Schenectady, in which place some of his relativeS;it seems, already resided. Having 
married, in the meantime, he entered on his charge immediately after receiving orders, to the satisfaction of his congregation. 
He opened a grammar school in the fall of 1771, but the labors attendant on this, with ill health & other causes mentioned 
in his letter (post) of IG Aug. 1773, obliged him to relinquish this mission and sail to Virginia. Ed. 

2 DxNiEL Campbell was a native of Ireland, married a Miss Schermerhorn, acquired great wealth in Schenectady as a 
Merchant, portion of which he left to a nephew, a Dr. Campbell of London who resided in this country several years and 
then returned to England. Daniel D. Schermerhorn, one of the Members of the late Constitutional Convention, having 
become heir to Mr. C. has since assumed that name. 



New York 18 November 1769. 
Dear Sii' William The Bearer M' William Andrews is a young Gentleman from Ireland, who has 
thouglits of taking orders for the Ministry. He is in hopes of being called for the Church of Schen- 
ectady, and carrys recommendatory Letters from Doctor Auchmuty and Colonel Crogham. I 
understand his character is unexceptionable and his Education liberal. If you can be of any ser- 
vice to him you will oblige me in giving him Countenance, and your Civilitice I shall acknowledge 
with Gratitude I am indebted to you for a Letter; but it shall not be long eer I discharge it 

I. am D' Sir W™ your affectionate and obedient Servant 

Gw Banyar. 


Sir, I have just receiv'd intelligence of a Vessell at York bound for Ireland, and is expected 
to sail very shortly. On this Account, and because my Continuance here entirely depends upon 
your recommending me to the Society's service; I shou'd sincerely thank you to send me the recom- 
mendatory letter, as soon as convenient. 

I have been seriously considering of the most eflFectual means, of procuring proper Persons to 
supply the vacant Missions in this Province, and can, upon mature Consideration, think of no better 
judged Expedient, than to invite some of the sober, and aged Graduates of Trinity-College, 
Dublin to undertake the sacred Office. I doubt not, but the Proposal wou'd be pleasing to the 
People, and the Offer agreeable to the Gentlemen. 

My Reasons for advancing this Circumstance, I must humbly beg leave to mention. 

A late Abstract of the Society, informs us of the Want of Clergy even in several parts of 
England, occasion'd probably by the Students diverting their Education to more profitable Pursuits. 
And the Candidates for holy Orders, educated on this side the Atlantic, are by no means enabled 
to perform the Service of the Church, and discharge their Duty with so much Satisfaction to their 
Congregation, as these persons I have been speaking of, who have regularly obtained their Degrees 
by Merit, after a proper Course of Study. Tho' I do not urge this Circumstance, tliro' any disre- 
spect or by way of Retort, against the Americans, I only mention it on accoimt of their being de- 
prived of the Opportunity of receiving so good and solid an Education. 

Ireland does not labour under the same disadvantage, as England, with respect to Clergy; For, we 
frequently hear of numbers, soliciting for a Curacy, a poor Provision indeed. Besides let me add, 
that the American Candidates are subject to the Danger and Expense of doubly traversing a large 
Ocean, and incumbred with Charges, which they are scarce enabled to bear before they can obtain 
their desire. 

Now, if this Plan shcu'd be found agreeable to the Society, I believe I cou'd prevail upon some 
of those Gentlemen to come over, and settle in these Vacancies, whose Characters and Qualifications 
cou'd be properly ascertained. 


Remitting your recommendatory letters, thro' Doctor Auclimuty at York, wou'd be esteem'd as 
an Obligation conferr'd on him, who is with Respect and Gratitude, 

Sir, Your most obedient, and humble Servant 

Schenectady, lO'h Decb^ 1769. Wm Andrews. 

Since my sitting down to write this, I have found an immediate Conveyance to York, & have 
therefore embraced the Opportunity of setting oflf to Morrow tor Albany. Your letter then will 
reach me by means of D' Auchmuty. 

Sir William Johnson Bart. 


New York, 28th jan^y 1770. 

I have just time to acknowledge your favor, with a Draft inclos'd on M»' Mortier, from whom 
I have receiv'd Fifty one pounds Currency; For which I return you sincere thanks and shall when 
able repay you. 

Accompanying this I send you a letter from my good Friend M^ Barton, who recommends me to 
you, & points out in my letter an Indian Mission — I intended after my Return here to have receiv'd 
instruction in their Language with the intention of delivering Discourses amongst them, whenever 
leisure shou'd permit from the Duty at Sciienectady — 

To morrow I shall proceed on my way to London by Ireland in order to have my age properly 
ascertain'd & with the View of solliciting my Brother, (a Clergyman) to accompany me to London 
& probably I may prevail on him to come over with me — Believe me to be with the greatest sincerity. 

Sir, y raucli oblig'd and humble serv' 

Sir W"" Johnson — Wm. Andrews. 


New York May tlie ll'h 1770. 

Worthy Sir Your two last favors of the IC'h & 20"* of April came safe to my hands, and shall be 
perticularly answered by the next good opportunity. The reason of my troubling you at present 
is, at the request of a worthy Brother the Bearer of this, Mr. Forbes, who is rambling about to 
satisfy his curiosity. He intends to pay his respects to you considering his good character, and 
agreeable behaviour I venture to recommend him to your notice ; you will, as he is a Gentleman 
and scholar be greatly pleased with him. He is now waiting for this, therefore shall only add, that I 
hope you will pardon this freedom, I liave taken, and be assured that I have the honor to be 

Worthy Sir Your much obliged ob' serv* 

To Sir William Johnson. Samuel Auchmuty. 

P. S. Your Letter to the Secretary of tlie Society was immediately sent to M^ Stuart, ' as you 

1 For a biographical sketch of this gentleman, see the end of this scries. — Ed. 
Vol. IV. 34 



New York May the 20t'' 1770. 

Sir I most sincerely thank you for your judicious observations in your last Letter. Infidelity 
most certainly is the fountain from whence we are overwhelmed with misfortunes and almost 
brought to ruin. Our great men, instead of being careful pilots, and anxious for the safety of the 
Nation, are inveloped in false politic's — rack tlieir invention, & exert their utmost abilities to 
aggrandize tliemselves, and their Families, and suffer, for want of true principles, their Sovereign and 
tlieir Country to be tossed to and fro Avith every wind of popular discontent, without guiding the 
Helm with prudence, caution and Resolution. Tlie Lords Temporal are wholly engrosssed in a 
system of Politic, which must end if persevered in, in the ruin of themselves, and their Country ; 
and the Lords Spiritual while they can unmolested enjoy their opulence, & weight in tlie Govern- 
ment, pay too little attention to the distresses and injustice tliat the members of the best cliurch in the 
world labor under, in America. The True principles of a good Church man, are, a true regaid to 
tlie Laws of his God, and a zealous attachment to his lawful Sovereign. The opposers of a monar- 
chical Government (too many of which our Nation are cursed with) are a direct contrast, which 
every man's experience, if he has ten grains of sense or five of honesty, must convince him of. 
These men are ever assuming a power, have once had it — made a diabolical use of it, & yet have 
the audaciousness — the tvickedriess, to attempt usurp it again, under the best of princes. Tlie Clergy 
are much indebted to you, worthy Sir, for your strong attachment to the present happy Establish- 
ment in Church and State; and for your animated Letters to the Ministry seting forth the 
necessity of an American Episcopate, and a proper notice and regard for the American Churches ; 
which, at present, are left destitute of Countenance and support; subject to the vile Ravages 
of Goths and Vandals — or what is worse — inveterate malice from those that dare to stile themselves 
Christians. May God reform them. I forgive them, but forget them, I hope I never shall — I am 
ordered in the Name of our Convention, which met at my house, the last week to thank you for 
the many good services you have honored us with ; and to assure you that we should esteem it as 
a most providential Event, if your power to serve us, was adequate to your inclination — happy 
should we be was this the Case. I therefore Sir, as president of the Convention pro tempore 
return you our most sincere and grateful Thanks, for the exertion of your Interest, in favor of the 
Church of England in America ; and for the many favors we have received from you, as cler- 
gymen. We have still to beg, that the discouragements you have met with, may not slacken your 
generous Ardor ; or provoke you to cease your application at Home in our favor — i e. for the preser- 
vation of the present happy establishment in Church and State, which ought to be as firmly settled 
here, as in Great Britain, we most ardently wish you every Temporal and Spiritual Blessings ; & 
beg leave to assure you that we retain a grateful sense of the honor you have done us, in becoming 
our Friend & Patron. 

This will be delivered to you, by my worthy Brothers, Cooper & Inglis. The latter travels for 
Health, the foi-mer because he has too much. I almost envy them their happiness. 

I have received a Letter from M'' Stuart, who is now I imagine plouging the Ocean. He got your 
Letter a few days after it came to my hands. 


I have not had any late Letters from tlie Secretary of the Society. I wish that good Body 
would adopt the Salutary advice you have given thera ; which would enable them to be 
furtlier useful. 

I hope you will pai-don this long Epistle ; and, be assured that I am, worthy Sir, with great 
sencerity & truth. 

Your much obliged & most ob' Serv' 
Sir William Johnson. Samuel Auchmutv. 


Johnson hall May 27th 1770. 

Sir, I thank you most kindly for your Letter of the 20*'' by our Friends D'' Cooper & M'' Ingjis 
Avhom I very highly Esteem & in whose Society I have spent many agreable hours during which 
we have Conversed much on the affairs of the Church, Their Speedy return prevents me from 
Saying much to you by this opportunity. I cannot however avoid agreeing with you in the 
ti-utli of yoiu- Remarks on the present unhappy state of affairs, which greatly contribute to check 
the growth & prevent the Success of the National Church, I hope the Government will at last dis- 
cover the Importance of giving it all possible Countenance, & tliat whenever party shall so far 
Subside as to enable them to act without the apprehension of giving offence to otliers its Enemies, 
that they will afford it tlie required support. 

I most kindly thank the Convention for the favorable sentiments they entertained of my 
endeavors in the Cause of our Religion, and I assure you & them, that I shall omit no opportunity 
for demonstrating the sincerity of my attachm* thereto, by promoting its Interest as far as my little 
Interest & abilities shall Enable me, at the same time wishing that we may spedily hear more agreable 
news from England & Assuring you that I am always with great Truth Sir &c 

Dr Auchmuty. 


Johnson hall Nov 1770. 

Dear Sir. I was lately agreably favored with your Letter of the 25''' ult" accompanied with 
your pretty present for your Godson the Indian Boy, which with your Letter to his father was 
received with Extraordinary marks of Gratitude and Thanks, so that it would be hard to say which 
were best pleased. The Boy with his finery or the parents with that Token of your remembrance 
& tlie Letter which they think greatly of, The Father was greatly distressed how to Express his 
thanks to you but at last wrote the Letter wch I now enclose, and after Lamenting that it was not 
in his power to make you a return suitable to his Inclinations he begged tliat I might send you a 
Leathern Lap Decorated & which he gave me for that purpose adding that as he had worn it often in 
the field, when in Arms against our Enemys, it might still be considered as an emblem of his 

I sincerely wish that the Indians desires as Expressed at the late Congress joyned to my Strong 
recommendations may awaken the attention of Government to affairs of Religion, which under such 

... ' 


auspices would soon flourish and Expand. Tlie Information you gave me concerning, the appro- 
priating tlie Quit rents to these uses, is I apprehend a matter that may rather be wished for, than 
Expected, as tlie Quit rents are greatly encreased by so -many late Grants, and altho' they are 
but very irregularly paid must far Exceed the Sum you Mention, however if you could procure 
the ann' amount of them, and let me know it, I shall consider it farther, and see Whether there 
may not be some prospect of Success from such an application. 

As to the Nova Scotia Mission, when I consider, the Small number of the Indians, and their 
present dependant state tliere, together with its being made in consequence of their threats, I can 
hardly tliink that the Government will disregard tlie entreaties of a people whose power and 
Capacity so far ex-ceeds those of Nova Scotia, and whose friendship & alliance is so much more 
interesting to us. 

It must have been thro' hurry that I neglected giving you in my former Letter, the Numbers of 
the other Indians which I am well acquainted with. The Onondagas can muster about 200 fighting 
Men, The Cayugas about 260, The Senecas, including those of this about 1000. but there are 
besides, many of every Nation Settled with other Tribes at and about the Suquehanna &ca which 
if added to their respective Nations would encrease the number, and the Tuscaroras, alone since the 
last body of tliem came from the Southward to Joyn the rest may now [make] abt near 250. so that 
the Whole of the Six Nations without including any others will Amount to 2000 fighting Men, by 
which the Number of souls may be calculated in the usual manner. 

I am sensible that Example will go farther than precept in the Introducing Arts or Mechanics 
amongst tliem The advantage of which they will daily grow more sensible of. D' Wheelock has 
been so sanguine in these matters that he has made no advances worth mentioning in that way 
whatever may be reported, as to Smiths they are so necessary to them that they would readily 
admit them and indeed they were formerly allowed them in their villages at the Expense of tlie Gov- 
ernment, & perhaps Carpenters might also be agreable for if these Mechanics were well inspected 
& Confined solely to their Trades, (which is a very diificult matter to effect) some of the Indians 
would doubtles be allured in a little time to apply themselves to Arts so usefull to themselves, & 
their proficiency in one or Two Arts, beyond which we should not go in the beginning would 
prepare them to receive others which at present are not necessary to their manner of Living — Tho' 
farming would be a most necessary acquirement, and which I believe they may be brought to 
in Time. Yet I fear it cannot be attempted, such Arts as are necessary to their present mode of 
Life will not alarm them, but any that will tend to introduce a Change therein, must be deferred 
ibr a time, as there is nothing which they so much dread as the alienation of their peoples 
minds from those pursuits & Exercises by which alone they apprehend that their Liberties are 

I thank you for the political hints you gave me, and presume that by this time the Disposition of 
our Governor is better known, being inclined to think that he will not fall into the hands of any 
designing party. 

Before Closing my Letter M'' Stuart arrived & delivered me your favor of the 23<^ ult". I had 
seen him before he went for Orders, and believe him to be a discreet, sensible man. The Mohocks 
being now almost all abroad on their Winter hunt. He cannot enter upon his Mission with Effect 
for some little time, he is to be Introduced to those that are at home immediately, and I shall 
direct him in the means of beginning to acquire their Language, without delay as it is so Essential 
to his Success, of which I have not the Least doubt if Conducted properly to which end my 
advice and endeavors shall be always Chearfully bestowed. I have a few Lines by him from D' 
Burton wherein is mentioned the Societys approbation of and allowance to M' Hall, to be fixed 


at Conojoharee until he has taken Orders. The design is good, and I wish he was now there to enter 
upon it — I liave built a handsome Cliurch there at my own Expence' Tho' I liad been promised the 
assistance of others but tlie times did not admit of it, and as tliat village is equal in zeal & attach- 
ment to the Mohocks and is 30 miles farther up the Country, M' Halls establishment & success there 
will contribute greatly to enlarge the design of the plan, and to point out its benefits to the public, 
■which so soon as these persons are properly Seated and have acquired a share of the Language and 
Confidence of the Indians, may be so far Extended as to comprehend all that can be wished for, to 
form one vast & Generous design. 

It is extremely probable tliat a War witii Spain is not very distant, and indeed I believe it is 
Covetted by many people but Spain will have powerfull alliances, and witliout great Care France, 
may give us fresh trouble in America, particularly thro' the Influence they still retain over so many 
Indian Nations. I am much obliged to the worthy D'' Jolinson for liis kind remembrance and. 
sincerely wisli him all happiness. My Son, who desires his Complements to you purposes to visit 
N York soon Col : Johnson also desires to be kindly remembered, and be assured that I am always 
with perfect regard 

The Revd M"-. Cha^ Inglis. Dear Sir &c. 



Johnson hall Feby 28th 1771, 
Sir, I should be wanting in duty to the public if I withheld from a Gentleman of D'' Lee's 
Character any information I am capable of affording on the subject of y Letter wch tlno' my Absence 
from home havg been some time in the Ind. Country & since entirely occupied with affairs of a 
public nature, it was not in my powder to ans'' till now. 

I am only apprehensive that any account in my power respecting such enquirys amongst 
the unlettered Indians will prove inadequate to the Expectations formed in your Letter, notwith- 
standing my long residence in this country, [" of more than tliirty eight years," | the Nature of my 
office and the most diligent enquirys into these curious particulars, I find all researches of that sort 
for reasons which I shall give presently involved in such difficultys & uncertainty as to afford 
but slender satisfaction. At least far short of my inclination to gratify your desire thereon — how 

1 An account of monies expended by John Danl. Muller in building a Church at Canajohary, for the use of the Indians 
by the direction of the Honble Sir AVilliam Johnson. £459.1 11. 

2 Abthur Lee was born in Virginia on the 20th Dec. 1740. He was sent at an early age to Eton, and afterwards to the 
University of Edinburgh, where he obtained liis degree of Doctor of Medicine in 1764. He returned to his native country 
where he practised his profession for a short period, but soon went to London and entered the Temple with a view 
of being called to the bar. Here he became the associate or correspondent of the principal literary and scientific men 
of the day, and was elected Fellow of the Royal Society. Previous to the Revolution, he acted as agent in England for the 
Provinces of Massachusetts and Virginia, and in that capacity acquitted himself as a zealous and sound friend of American 
liberty. In 1776, he was appointed, conjointly with Dr. Franklin and Silas Deane, Commissioners to France on the part of 
the United States, and assisted in negotiating the Treaty between these countries. He returned to America in 1780 and in 
1784 was appointed one of the Commissioners to treat with the Six Nations. He executed this trust at Fort Schuyler, (now 
Rome, Oneida Co.) with much credit. He died, unmarried, Dec. 12, 1792, aged nearly 52 years. He was a distinguished 
scholar, and a statesman, rigid in principle and unsullied in integrity. His life by R. H. Lee, was published in 2 vols. 8vo. 
m 1829.— Ed. 


ever I shall endeavor to make some attonement by giving you some acc^ of these difficulties together 
witli such other liints as from the motives of enquiry suggested in your Letter may I flatter mj self 
prove of some little use, or amusemen to j'ou. 

It -will be unnecessary to Inlarge on the want of Laws, Government, Letters or such other 
particulars as are to be found in most authors who have treated of the N. Amer" Indians. These 
are general observations as generally known To shew wherein they ai-e defective and to acco* 
for, by setts forth the present state of the sev' Indian Nations is a subject of greater importance it 
will lead to other matters more Interesting. 

I must theretbre observe that the customs and manners of the Indians are in sev^ cases liable to 
changes, which have not been thorouglily considered by authors and therefore the description of 
them (as is usual) at any one particular period must be insufficient, and I must furth'" premise 
that I mean to confine my observations to those of Northern Nations with whom I have the most 
acquaintance and intercourse. 

In all inquiries of this sort, we should Distinguish between the more remote Tribes & those 
Ind"s who from their having been next to our settlem*^ for sev' years, &. relying solely on oral 
Tradition for the support of tlieir Ancient usages, have lost great part of them, & have blended 
some with Customs amongst ourselves, so as to render it Extremely difficult, if not impossible to 
Trace their Customs to their origin or to discover their Explication. Again, Those Indians who 
are a degree farther removed hav? still a good deal of Intercourse with our Traders and havs 
altered their system of Politicks, tho' they still retain many Ancient Customs, they are much at a 
Loss to account for them, whilst those who are far removed fmm any intercourse with the whites 
(a few Traders excepted) are still in possess" of the greatest part of tlieir primiti\'e usages tho' 
they cannot give a satisfactory acc^ of tlieir original signification, and have so blended the whole with 
fable, as to render it matter of great difficulty to Separate the Truth from it, add to this that above 
a Century ago they had French Jesuits amongst tliem, who partly for Religious purposes, but chiefly 
to serve particular ends in the Wars they often fomented, introduced some of their own inventions 
which the present generation confound with their ancient Ceremonies. 

So far as the remarks are Confined to the Confederacy of tlie 6 Nat^. tlie Mohocks, who have long 
lived within our settlem'^ come under the first predicament, tho' greatly reduced in number they 
are still the acknowledged Head of that Alliance, but in their present State they have less Inter- 
course with the Ind^ & more w'^ us than formerly besides wch tliey are at present members of the 
Chli. of England, most of them read & sev' Write very well, When therefore they subscribe an 
ordinary Deed, they frequently make use of a Cross, after the Example of the Illiterate amongst 
us & sometimes with tlieir names ; but in things of much Consequence they usually delineate a 
Steel, such as is used to strike fire out of Flint, wliich being tlie symbol of their Nation, This 
Steel they call Canniah — & themselves Canniungaes, but from lience, little can be deduced, as they 
had not the use of any instrument in that form before their Commerce with the Whites. 

The Tuscaroras I omit as they are a south" peeple not long introduced into the Alliance making 
the 6 nat". 

The Oneidas who inhabit the Country a little beyond the settlements, are in the next Class for 
altho',some efforts have been made to Civilize and Christianize them, a great part are still in the 
primitive way, but being also reduced in numbers & their political system much changed, their 
Intercourse with the more remote Indians is lessened, and their knowledge of ancient usages 
decayed. They have in use [asj Symbols, a Tree, by which they w* Express Stability. But their 
true Symbol is a Stone called Onoya, and they call themselves Onoyuts a particular Insf^e of wch I 
can give from an Expedt* I went on to Lake St. Sacrament in 1746, when to shew the Enemy the 


Strength of oui- Ind" Alliances I desired Each Nation to affix their Symbol to a Tree [to alarm] the 
French : the Oueydas put up a stone wch they painted Red. 

The Onondagas whose residence are 40. miles farther are somewhat better versed in the Customs 
of their ancestors, they call themselves people of the Great Mountain. 

The Cayugas who are about the same distance beyond them, have for their Symbol a pipe. 

The Senecas are the most numerous & most distant of the six Nat^ liave sev' Towns & Symbols 
from wch however little can be understood, and leaving this Confederacy we shall find that the 
Nations to the North West tho they have their Symbols, they are not able to Explain to any degree 
of Satisfaction, for as t1iey scatter more in quest of a livelyhood tliey have not tlie same opportunitys 
or inclination to Cultivate & Explain oral Tradition. To the Soutli West tlie Indians are better 
versed in those matters but this is a field too large for w* I now propose, tho' by otlier opportunitys 
I shall most wilUngly assist your Enquiries therein. 

[With respect to your questions concerning the chief magistrate, or sachem, and how^ he acquires 
his authority, &c. I am to acquaint you, that there is in every nation, a sachem, or chief, who appears 
to have some authority over the rest, and it is greatest among tlie most distant nations. But in 
most of those bordering on our settlements, his authority is scarcely discernible, he seldom assuming 
any power before his people. And indeed tliis humility is judged the best policy; for w^anting coer- 
cive poAver, tlieir commands would perhaps occasion assassination, which sometimes happens. Tlie 
sachems of each tribe are usually chosen in a public assembly of the chiefs and warriors, whenever 
a vacancy happens by death or otherwise; they are generally chosen for their sense and bravery, 
from among the oldest warriors, and approved of by all the tribe; on which they are saluted sacliems. 
There are however several exceptions; for some families have a kind of inheritance in the office, 
and are called to tliis station in tlieir infancy. 

The chief sachem, by some called the king, is so, either by inheritance, or by a kind of tacit 
consent, the consequence of his superior abilities and influence. The duration of his authority 
depends much on his own wisdom, tlie number and consequence of his relations, and the strength 
of his particular tribe. But even in those cases where it descends, should the successor appear 
unequal to the task, some other sachem is sure to possess himself of the power and tlie duties of tlie 
office. I should have observed, that militaiy services are tlie chief recommendations to this rank. 
And it appears pretty clearly, that heretofore the chief of a nation had, in some small degree, the 
authority of a sovereign. This is now the fact among the most remote Indians. But as, since the 
introduction of fire arms, they no longer fight in close bodies, but every man is his own general, 
I am inclined to think this has contributed to lessen the power of a chief This chief of a whole 
nation has the custody of the belts of wampum, &c. which are as records of public transactions : 
he prompts the speakers at all treaties, and proposes affairs of consequence. The chief sachems 
form the grand council; and those of each tribe often deliberate on the affairs of their particular 
tribes. All their deliberations are conducted with extraordinary regularity and decorum. They 
never interrupt him who is speaking; nor use harsh language, whatever may be their thoughts. 
The chiefs assume most authority in the field, but this must be done, even there, with great caution; 
as a head warrior thinks himself of most consequence in that place. 

The Indians believe in, and are much afraid of witchcraft: those suspected of it are therefore 
often punished with death. Several nations are equally severe on those guilty of theft, a crime 
indeed uncommon among them; but in cases of murder, the relations are left to take what revenge 
they please. In general, they are unwilling to inflict capital punishments, as these defeat their 
grand political object, which is, to increase their numbers by all possible means. 

On their haunts, as on all other occasions, they are strict observers of meum and tuum; and this 


from principle, holding theft in contempt; so that they are rarely guilty of it, though tempted by 
articles of much value. Neither do the strong attempt to seize tlie prey of tlie weak; and I must 
do them the justice to say that, unless heated by liquor, or inflamed by revenge, their ideas of 
right and wrong and their practices in consequence of them, would, if more known, do them mucli 
honour. It is true, that having been often deceived by us in the purchase of lands, in trade, and 
other transactions, many of them begin noAV to act the same part. But tliis reflects most on those 
•who set them the example. 

As to your remark on their apparent repugnance to civilization, I must observe, that this is not 
owing to any viciousness of their nature, or want of capacity; as they have a strong genius for 
arts, and uncommon patience. I believe they are put to the English schools too late, and sent 
back too soon to their people, whose political maxim. Spartan like, is to discountenance all pursuits 
but war, holding all other knowledge as unworthy the dignity of man, and tending to enervate 
and divert them from that warfare on wliich they conceive their liberty and happiness depend. 
These sentiments constantly instilled into the minds of youth, and illustrated by examples drawn 
from the contemptible state of the domesticated tribes, leave lasting impressions: and can hardly 
be defeated by an ordinary school education. 

I wish my present leisure would allow me to give you as many specimens of their lanuageas would 
shew that, tliougli not very wordy, it is extremely emphatical ; and their style adorned with noble 
images, strong metapliors, and equal in allegory to many of the Eastern nations. The article is 
contained in the noun by varying the termination ; and the adjective is combined into one word. 
Thus of Echin, a man, and Gowana^ great, is formed Sc/wng-owana, a great man. Caghyunghaw is a 
creek ; Cag/njungha, a river. Caghyunghaowana, a great river, Caghyungheeo, a fine river. Haga 
the inhabitants of any place, and tierham the morning; so, if they speak of eastern people, tliey say 
Tierhans-aga or people of the morning. Eso is expressive of a great quantity, and Esogee is the 
superlative. The words Goronta and Golota whicli you mention are not of the Six nations, but of a 
Southern language. It is curious to observe, that they have various modes of speech and phrazes 
peculiar to each age and sex, which tliey strictly observe. For instance, a man says, when he is 
hungry, Cadagcariax, which is expressive both of his want and of the animal food he requires to 
supply it ; whilst a child says, in the same circumstances, Cauisore, that is, I require spoon meat.] 

There is so remarkable a difference in the Language of the Five nations, from all the rest as 
affords some grounds for enquiring into their distinct Origin, for the Indians north of the S* Lawrence 
those West of the Great Lakes with the few who inhabit the Sea Coasts of New England, & tliose 
again who live about tlie Ohio notwithstanding the respective distances between them Speak a lan- 
guage Radically the same & can In gen^ communicate their Wants to each other ; Whilst the 
Nations who live in the midst of them, are Incapable of Conveys a Single Idea to their neighbours, 
neither can they pronounce a Word of their langg® with correctness. There is indeed some difi'er- 
ence of Dialect amongst the 5 nations themselves, but tliis is little more than may be found in the 
Provinces of large States in Europe. 

In particular the letters M and P which Occurs so frequently in the Languages of the rest, 
cannot be pronounced by the 5 nations without the utmost difiiculty, & are not in their language. 

But to proceed to wliat I have before proposed. The Indians taken Collectively did Certainly a 
few Centurys ago live under some more Order & Gov^ than they do at present — this may seem odd, 
but it is tlie Truth for their Intercourse in gen' being with the Lower Class of our Traders they 
learn little from us but Vices, & Their long Wars together with the Immoderate use of Spirituous 
Liquors have so reduced them as to render that ord^ wch was first instituted unnecessary & imprac- 
ticable. Add to this that since the reduction of Canada, their System of politicks is changed, Their 

PAPERS' R&LATIIiGi TO THia »1X. SAtiOBm. 273 

Eyes are upon us, whom they consider as a people too formidable, & much of their Time is much 
spent in Intrigues of State to wch other matters Jiave given place. 

But tho it does not appear that they liad the use of Letters yet the traces of Government mny 
still be seen, and there is reason to believe that they made use of Hieroglyphics , Tho tliey 
Neglect them at present, for Hieroglyphicks are understood to be figures, intended to conceal some- 
what from the Vulgar, But theirs are drawn to the utmost of their skill to represent the tiling 
intended, for Instance, when they go to War, they paint some trees with the figures of men, often the 
exact number of their party, and if they go by Water, tliey delineate a Canoe, wlien they make 
any atcliievement, they jnark the Handle of tlieir Tomahawks with human figures to signify prisoners, 
bodies without heads to express scalps. The figures which they affix to Deeds, have led some to 
imagine that they had Cliaracters or an Alphabet. Tlie case is this, every Nation is divided into a 
Certain Number of Tribes, of which some have 3. as the Turtle, Bear & Wolf, to wcli others add the 
Snake, Deer, &.ca, each of These Tribes form a Little Community within the Nation, and as the 
Nation lias its peculiar Symbol so each Tribe has the peculiar Badge from whence it is denomi- 
nated, and a Sachem of each Tribe being a necessary party to a fair Conveyance such Sachim affixes 
the Mark of the Tribe thereto, wch is not that of a particular family (unless the whole Tribe is so 
deemed) but rather as the publick Seal of a Corporation. 

As this Letter is already of an Immoderate Length, I shall only at present add, that with respect 
to the Deed of 1726, of wch you sent me the Signatures, The Transaction was in some measure 
of a partial nature, wch I can another time Explain. All the Nations of the Confed^y did not Subscribe 
it, and those Chiefs that did neglec'ed to pay due regard [to] their proper Symbols, but signed 
agreeable to fancy, of which I have seen other Instances, altho' the manner I have mentioned is 
the most authentic and agreeable to their orig' practise. 

As to the information wch you observe I formerly Transmitted to the Gov of N. York concerning 
the belt & 1 5 Bloody Sticks sent by the Mississagaes, The like is very Comon and the Ind^ use 
Sticks as well to Express the alliance of Castles astlie number of Individuals in a party, These 
Sticks are generally ab^ 6 Inches in lengtli & very slender &. painted Red if the Subject is War but 
witliout any peculiarity as to Sluipe. Their belts are mostly black Wampum, painted red when 
they denote War tliey descj-ibe Castles sometimes upon them as square figures of Wliite Wampum, & 
in Alliances Human figures holding a Chain of friendship, each figure represents a nation, an axe is 
also sometimes described wch is always an Emblem of War, The Taking it up is a Declaration [of 
war] and tlie burying it a token of Peace, But as I have accounted for not entering into farther 
particulars at present, I shall conclude w"> assuring you thatif tliese loose remarks prove of any use 
to you, I shall readily descend to any other matters of Information that may demonstrate how 
much I am Sir &c. 

Note. — The portions of the above letter included within [ ] are taken from the abridged Philos. Trans, of the Royal 
Soc: of London, XII. 407-409. They were added, we presume, to the final Copy sent to England, as they are not in the 
original draught which we follow for the other portions of the letter. We have taken the liberty to insert them, with this 
explanation, in order to furnish to the reader all Sir Wm. Johnson's observations on this interesting subject. 

Vol. it. W 



Johnson hall Febx 28«»> 1771. 

Dear Sir, Your kind letter of last July would not have remained so long unanswered, liad it not 
been mislaid for some time after a late tedious Indisposition. I am fully persuaded that you would 
have answered the One I formerly wrote you, but we must expect that some letters will miscarry, 
of which I have met with many Instances nearer home. 

I am unable to make a Suitable return for the Warm Wishes you Express for me, but I feel them 
very sensibly, and you have every thing in Answer that the strongest friendsliip can dictate, and I 
cannot but greatly regret your distance & the peculiarity of your situation which deprives me of 
the opportunity of a more friendly intercourse, often Wishing that you could partake in the pleasing 
prospects which this Country now affords from the advancement of religion, and the Improvements 
in Cultivation. 

M'' Stewart has been for some time at his mission where he is much Esteemed not only by the 
Indians but by the Dutch Inhabitants who constantly resort to his Church his situation enables 
me to see him often, and I have great hopes from his appointment, M^ Hall' has an allouance 
from tlie Society and is to reside at Cauajoharie (where at my Cost I have built a liaudsome 
Church) until he is of age to take Orders M»" Andrews, who has brouglit over a Wife, is long since at 
Schenectady, he is sensible, and will I believe be of great use there being Connected Witli a principal 
Inhabitant of that place his Congregation is as yet small but zealous, & likely to Increase. The 
only mission in this Quarter as yet unsupplied is mine at Johns Town, the Church at wliich being 
small & very ill built I am preparing Stone & materials for Erecting one much stronger and larger, 
that will accomdate near 1000 Souls. 

I am sorry you did not see my Letter to D' Smith I do assure you that, I thought seriously of 
your desire respecting a piece of Laud, but as tliere was none to be had in such a situation as to 
make it imediately of any value, & as tlie Patent fees & Quit rent is so very high here I Judged it 
imprudent to engage you in what must be Imediately attended with a good deal of Expense, and 
might lye as a dead Charge on you for many Years, because so many large Tracts are Patented 
which the owners do not know wliat to do with and which affords Choice to settlers at very low 
rates. I hope by this time that the Connecticutiaus are pretty easy and that you are reinstated in 
your places in the New Purchase, but wliether, or not I am in nowise apprehensive that you want 
Philosophy enough to support Losses, you could not give sucli a Chearful Description of your 
agreable Homestead unless you were superior to Disappointments, I liope you will allways Continue 
so, but I am much more inclined to Wish that you may never Experience any in future, for I can 
with Great Truth aflB.rm that no one wishes for your happiness with greater Cordiallity than 
Dea;r Sir 

Your most affect^ & very humble Servt. 

The Revd M"" Barton. 

Sir John. Col Johnson &c desire to be particularly remembered to you. — I need not repeat my 
desire to hear from you, whenever it suits with your Conveniency. 

1 Graduated at Philadelphia Coll. and \vas sent to Canajoharie to learn the Indian language, " that he may be qualified 
to be Catechist and Schoolmaster in that place untill such time as he shall be able to come over to take orders and be appointed 
a missionary " — Abstract for 1771. His Salary was £40. He remained there only a year. 



Johnson hall, March 1" 1771. 

Worthy Sirs. I have received your Joyut favor of the 18'h ult°. Concerning the Rev' M^ Griffith' 
whom I perfectly recollect to have made me a visit about the time you mention. That Gentlemau 
was I tliiuk then accompanied by M^ Brown one of the principal Friends of the Church in 
Sclienectady, and had some tolerable offers made to him in Case he inclined to tliat Mission & which 
were far superior to what may be expected from Glocester according to the description I have of it. 
however these offers he then thought proper to decline, and indeed seemed to think them inadequate 
to his views and expectations. Since which I have heard that he was appointed to the Mission 
which he has lately left. "Whatever objections, on account of his family, or otherwise might have 
induced him to reject Schenectady must Certainly operate in as high a degree against this place, 
as it is not only more retired, but must in some degree depend upon myself, I am therefore at a Loss 
what to say in favor of that Gentleman's present Desire as well from the Circumstances I have 
mentioned, as from the Expectation I have of a Missionary for tliis place in consequence of a 
former Letter from D'' Burton who promised to have enquiry made (in case none Could be had from 
England) for some person of Zeal & Piety who has received a Collegiate Education at Dublin. 

I have pleasure to acquaint you that Mess""' Steward and Andrews, are much esteemed, and 
will I persuade myself greatly promote Religion in these parts, and when aided by the appointments 
of Disinterested, and Indefatigable Men for this Mission & Conajoharee will much advance Chiisti- 
anity in Geni and the Church of England in particular. 

I am, with true esteem Gentlemen &c 

Mess" Cooper & Ogilvie. 

P. S. The great regard which I shall always pay to your Judgment & recommendation obliges 
me to observe that I drew my observations from what passed with respect to the Schenectady 
Mission, In which I may have been mistaken, for I have no objection to M"" Griffiths Character or 
abilities, neither can I have any when supported by authority that have so much weight with me. 

1 Rev. David GRtrriTH, D.D. went to England for orders in 1770. On being ordained he returned to this country with an 
appointment as Missionary to Glocester, N. J. He relinquished this mission however, soon after, and moved into Virginia. In 
July 177G, he was appointed Chaplain and Surgeon to the Zd. Virg : Batalion: he being a person of " uncommon merit." 
(Jmer: Arch: hth, Ser. i. 1588.) After the peace, we find him pastor of the parish of Fairfax, Va. of which State he was 
elected Bishop in 1788, but he was never consecrated. Owing to his poverty and the deranged state of his private affairs, 
he was unable to proceed to England for consecration. In 1789 he resigned the office, and on the 3d August of that year he 
died in Philadelphia, at the residence of the Bishop of Penn., having come to that city as a delegate to the Episcopal 
Convention. "In his feelings and conduct" (says Dr. Hawks,) "he was thoroughly American; he thought the Colonies 
wronged by the Mother Country, and throughout the struggle for Independence, he advocated their cause. He had 
deliberately cast in his lot with the great majority of his countrymen, and in the alternations of storm and of sunshine, through 
which they passed in the achievement of their liberties, he was ever found true to his principles. When he died the church 
lost a useful and a worthy man." Ed. 



Johnson hall March 27"' 1771. 

Good Sir, I have had the favor of yours of the 8 th Inst, and I thank you as well for the par- 
ticular's you Communicated to me, as for the kind manner in which your friendship has Induced 
you to speak of myself on tl:e Subject I have so much at heart. 

I am persuaded from D'" Burtons Letter that the Society would willingly do all in their power, for 
carrying so important a plan into Execution, and Esteem it an honor to receive so many assurances 
of their favorable opinion of my little endeavors. But I have great Reason to appreliend that 
the Generality of the men of Rank are but Cool in matters of Re]igion, otherwise, I should think 
that a plan of that sort would come with great Weight k strict propriety from His Grace of Canter- 
bury, or the Bishop of London, in their Ecclesiastick Capacity, and I am really concerned at 
reading that part where you say That similar applications from the Society first, have been fre- 
quently postponed and neglected because it is a proof that my apprehensions are but too well Ibunded 
otherwise I cannot see why a Religious Society in which are some of the Greatest Men in England 
should not meet With all Imaginable Countenance on any Religious Subject, where the Object 
appeared so meritorious, whilst every species of Dissenters finds favor,. and Support on the application 
of the meanest Engines that can be found out — This extraordinary lukewarmness in matters of this 
nature may I believe in some measure be attributed to the peculiar cast of Modern politicks, It being 
first forged by the Dissenters & echoed by every Scribler, as now to be too generally believed. That 
the Missionaries busy themselves mostly in Converting worthy & pious Dissenters, and that these 
pious people will be alarmed. 

I remember to have read of a king of France, forbidding a neighbouring state to build a single 
Galley as his fleet was sufficient to scour their seas, and I am certain the Conduct of the Dissenters 
greatly resembles that of the Monarch, but that their power is as yet less than his. For those of 
Consequence arast them, tho' many of them are Libertines in their sentiments, yet all of them are 
strongly interested in whatever regards their profession, and in tliis Country they foresee that if the 
Established Church Is encouraged, its Comeliness may with' much Efforts of our Missionaries 
draw many of their people to it as well as regain sev' of its old Members who for want of any 
other places of Worship in some parts have become Dissenters, But as Pride & policy forbid their 
discovering tlie True Causes, they affect apprehensions that our Church may pursue unwarrantable 
measures to acquire a Dominion over their tender Consciences and In America presume even to take 
offence at any additional Establishments in our fav^ That Their party is not to be disobliged at all 
In England seems to be a maxim amongst the Great, which is a plain Confession of the strength 
of tlieir Union, Whilst from this Country, they endeavor to persuade men in power of the general 
prevalence of their opinions, and the great Dread of a people Jealous of their Rights who fled 
from Religious persecution. Tho' in truth they can boast of no superiority if the members of the 
Chiircli, Tiie Foreign Protestants, Quakers &c. are taken together as they may be for these hav? no 
design agt us. Do not in fact Joyn them in opinion or entertain any apprehensions so Injurious to 
the Chh of England, so that as I formerly observed this artfull false representation should be 
enlarged on at home, and Eradicated for untill that is done I do not see much prospect of encour- 
agement, and I believe the great are so much afraid of the imputation of being priest ridden, that 
they dare not give the Church that Countenance, or the injoyraent of all its rights and Ceremonies, 
which is so highly necessary & reasonable in a Land of Liberty accords to the Dissenters own 
arguments, if the members of our Church are allowed to have any Conscience at all. 


I have already wrote to Lord Hillsborough (to whom my Corresponaence is now Confined) & 
have fully stated my opinion on the Relig'' wants and desires ot the Ind^ and I believe it would be 
deemed out of my way to urge it farther by sending him a plan before he answers that part of my 
Letter tho' rather than it sho^* fail thro' any neglect of mine I would do it. 

I cannot tliink that the plan can be in better hands, or prepared so well by any other than a Gentle- 
man of your abilities and zeal, and therefore I hope you'll frame it yourself: — as to the motives to be 
enlarged on that should Induce Gov' to Countenance it, I think (ams' others) That it will have a 
happy Etfect in remov? many Circumstances of Jealousy & displays his Majestys tender regard fur 
their future happiness, and this I assure you even those Ind^ are capable of seeing who have never 
been Christianized : — In the next place It will make them Members of a Church which teaclies an 
obedience to Supreme Authority & a reverence for Government, which are principles mucli Wanting 
among tliem, and as it will finally prove the means of their becoming members of Civil Society, so 
their being of the National Church will strengthen the Tye & add Weiglit to that Religion which In 
Justice & policy ouglit here to be promoted. Besides which It would, soon prove a means of 
alienating them from our Enemys, who constantly observe to them that we take no care of tlieir 
salvation, & by the Proselytes they made to the Clmrcli of Rome were enabled to & yet may 
distress us greatly Add to this that it is perhaps the only opportunity for many reasons that ever 
may offer, which occurring in the Reign of a most virtuous & Pious Prince will reflect much Glory 
on his administration 

I am glad to hear that since we are to have a new Gov so suddenly, his Character appears so 
amiable as I find it does accords? to the ace' of sev' Correspond's. 

I shall not fail to deliver y message to Odeserundy whicli \\ ill make him happy and should you on 
some future occasion Write him 3 or 1 lines It would yield great Satisfaction to all the village. 

Between ourselves (for it shou^ not be Comunicated to some people) 1 sho<i tell you that the 
German Lutheran Minister at Stoneraby (a fine settlement near this) has Expresed a desire to me of 
taking orders in our Church, & what is more Extraordinary his Whole Congregation desire to 
become members of the same This Shews what the chh might Expect with due Countenance I intend 
to mention this affair to D^ Auchmuty to whom I beg my Complim^s & that you'll acquaint him that 
I shall Write him by next post. 

The bad Weather came on so Suddenly after the Snow that S"" John was disappointed of going 
down, he desires his kind Complem'^as do Coll* Claus & Johnson, and I amallways with perfect Esteem 

Dr Sir. 


Johnson hall April 4th 1771. 
Good Sir I am Sorry to have remained so long in your debt as now at this distance of time to 
acknowledge the rest of your favor of the 23''«J Nov last, soon after receiving your Letter both M' 
Stewart & Andrews arrived at their respective Missions where they afford promising hopes of 
advancing the Cause of Religion. I see M'' Stewart frequently he is learning the Indian language 
and Seems pleased with a Study so necessary to a man in his Situation. And he is much esteemed 
by the neiglibouring White people who frequent his churcli, and even some of them have sollicited 
him to perform the rites of baptism and burial, tho' they have a Minister of their own Church. 
The Indians seem pleased & the School goes on very well. 


I cannot but think with you that there is however a Want of becoming zeal amongst many whose 
duty it is to promote the Interests of the Church, and to procure its members the full Enjoyment 
of all their rites & Ceremonies, to which they have surely an undoubted title. If other Denomi- 
nations find free indulgence But as the neglects of Superiors in Church & State must be ascribed 
to the artifices of those who persuade Men in Europe that its Members liere are few & Inconsidera- 
ble Such Notions must I believe be eradicated before much assistance can be Expected. 

Df Burton has not lately wrote me any thing material So that I know not what has been done, 
respecting my offer of land, or any other matter, perhaps the paquet now daily Expected may bring 
us something, on tliese heads. Whatever zeal we want is made up by tlie abundance of it amongst 
the Dissenters, who (tho many of them have as little Religion as any of their neighbours) Support 
their Cause witli all tlieir strength, from maxims of policy, an Example which we should follow, 
If no other argument has sufficient force. 

Tlie prospect which is at present afforded in this increasing Country is so great that, I hope when 
Men in power are more disengaged from Domestic Concerns, they may turn their Eyes to America, 
and without any attempts on the Consciences of other Men, endeavor to Strengthen the National 
Church. But this point cannot be long neglected otherwise it will never answer. I desired 
our friend M"^ Inglis to mention a Circumstance concerning Religion here that I think you ought to 
know. The Lutheran Minister at Stoneraby has lately in a voluntary Manner without any previous 
Arguments to Induce him thereto desired to take orders in the Church of England, and what is much 
more Strange, It is the desire of his Congregation that he should do so. The great difficulty is 
That, they will be without a Minister during his absence, and that it will be attended with an Expence 
which from their great Occonomy, they do not chuse to Incurr, Especially as they have some 
Charitable Establishments amongst themselves, that are Chargeable. — If therefore any thing could 
be fallen upon, or that the Society would take it into Consideration, and that at the same time it 
Could be Carried through without making much noise. It would add the Majority of Inhabitants of a 
very fine Settlement to the Church, and as they are Foreigners must strengthen their allegiance to 
Gov't. I shall be glad to have your thoughts on this and Am alhvays with true regard. 

Dr Sir &c 



Johnson-hall May 24"' 1771. 
Good Sir, I wrote to you the 4th of last Month, and amongst other things mentioned the affair of 
the Lutheran Minister near this place since which I have been applied to by M^ W™ Hanna of 
Schenectady who was formerly a Presbyterian Minister at Albany, since which, he has practised 
the Law in this County, and now expresses an ardent desire to take Orders in the Churcli of 
England and become a Missionary, he has entreated me to befriend him in his application and 
delivered me tlie Originals together with a Copy which I now inclose you of Sundry Testimonials 
In favor of his Abilities & Character. — he complains that the Presbyterians who had a great esteem 
for him whilst he was their pastor are since warm against him, & he professes much Zeal & 
inclination for the Church of which he says he formerly would have become a member but for the 
prejudices ag* it which his father entertained. 


I thought it best to Lay the matter before you, who may have it in your power to make necessary 
enquirys concerning him, & who can best Judge whether he deserves encouragement under these 
Circunistances,asmy acquaintance with him, or his conduct will not enable me to be more particular. 

I am just finishing my post Letters so can only add at present that I am always with truth and 
regard, Dear Sir &c 

The Revd D' Auchmuty. 


Schenectady May 6th 1771. 
To all whom it may Concern, the Bearer W"> Hannah lived several Years under ray Inspection 
& read the Latin & Greek Classicks under my Tuition : has taught the Latin for the Space of a Year 
past & began to teach the Greek Classicks to the good acceptance of his Imployers ; k as he has well 
acquited himself in the Former, I doubt not his Capacity to teach the Later upon Due Preelection to 
which I expect he will be naturally Inclined he is Sober & Regular as to his moral Character 
certified at Nottingham Octo 2<i 1756 by S. Finley. 

That the Bearer hereof William Hanna assisted me in teaching Greek & Latin more than a year 
conducted inoffensively & Soberly, was faithful in his Business k behaved to the good acceptance 
both of Employers & Scholars and I doubt not if he is employed in teaching again but he will 
deserve the same Character is certified at Pequea February 19 1757. 

pr RoBT Smith V. D. M. 

Philad-' March 10 1759. 
This is to certify that the Bearer M"^ William Hannah was regularly admitted unto the Jersey 
College at Prince-Town behaved himself soberly while in it, k applyed himself diligently to his 
Studies and had passed one Examination for a Degree with the approbation of the Trustees & would 
have been admitted to the Honours of the College had he attended at the Commencement last ; For he 
left the College only for a Season by Permission of the autliority of it, & was as well Qualified to 
stand a second Examination as any one of his Class who were all admitted without Exception. 
So that the only reason of his not geting a Degree was his absence he was free of all College 
Censure Certified per John Ewing. 

New York May 8 1759. 
This is to Certify that M"" Jolin Ewing was Tutor of the Jersey College at Princetown last year I 
the Subscriber being his Pupil. Peter Rt Livingston ' 

This may certify that M' William Hannah is a member of the church of Christ in Salisbury in full 
Communion & in Regular Standing & as such is recommended to Occasional or stated communion in 
the Church of Christ wherever Providence may call him Testes Jonathan Lee Pastor of said 
Church May 24th 1760. 

1 Col. Peter R. LiviNGSTOJi, son of Robert third proprietor of tlie Manor of Livingston, was born May 8th 1737, and 
married Margaret, daughter of James Livingston, merchant of Ncw-Tork. He was elected to represent the Manor in the 
provincial Assembly in 1761, 1768, and again in 1774. At the breaking out of the Revolution he adhered, with other mem 
hers of the family, to the side of American liberty, and in 1776 was chosen president of the Provincial Convention as well a» 
chairman of the committee of safety, "and was employed in other departments of the publio service. He died 15th Novr 
1794, aged 67 years. His sister Mary married Hon. James Dnane. — En. 



At a meeting of the Association of Litchfield County in Sharon on Wednesday May 28 A D 1760 
M'' William Hanna B. A. offered liimself to Examination in Order to obtain Licence to Preach 
the Gospel, wlio was accordingly examined & this Association having examined him according to 
our Stated Rules look ujion liim competently Qualified to Preach the Gospel & accordingly the said 
William Hanna is liereby Licensed to Preach the Gospel under the Conduct & Direction of this 
Association & do recommend him accordingly wishing he may be useful to the Churches examined 
and attested per Jonathan Lee Scribe. 

These are to certify, tliat the Rev' William Hanna was regularly appointed to the Pastoral Care 
of this flock : that he performed tlie Ministerial Functions for the space of about 5 years amongst 
us ; and mentained an unblemished Moral & Religious character during his incumbancy ; but as 
he lias lately taken a civil Commission from the Governor which we apprehend must naturally call 
off his attention from his Pastoral Duties : and as it is not customary for any Minister in our Church 
to bear a Civil office. We do therefore humbly pray that it would please the Presbytery to grant us 
a Dismission from tlie Reverend M'' William Hanna which We are the Moore Licouraged to hope 
for, as he has promised unanimously to concur with us in the same Request Signed Jointly by the 
Elders of the English Presbyterian Church in Albany. John McCrea' 

John Munro^ 

July 9th 1767. Robt. Henry. 

A true Copy Joseph Peck Clerk taken at the Request of M"" Hanna the Presbytery Papers on file. 


New York June the 11 "^ 1771. 

Worthy Sir, [ deferred answering your favor of April the 4*-^, in hopes of having some Letters 
from the Society concerning your generous offer, or other business of consequence, to communicate 
to you. I have at length received two, one from the Bishop of London, and one from Dr. Burton, 
both relating to one subject only ; which shows the low state of their Finances, and effectually 
shuts the Door against future applications. The D*" in his letter says, 

" It would give the Society a very sincere pleasure, if they were able to return a satisfactory 
answer to the several recommendations which they receive, and make a suitable allowance to the 
persons recommended: But having already gone to the very utmost of our abilities, and even 
beyond them, w^e are now under tlie necessity of giving refusals in several instances : For as I have 
said in other letters, if we go on to establish new missions, we shall soon have nothing left to 
support our old ones." 

His Lordship of London is rather more explicit, on the subject, for he says that " the State of the 
Society will not allow us to establish any new missions : The Expences increase daily, & far exceed 
our annual Income : It is hoped therefore that no persons will be sent over upon the presumption 
of new appointments, which cannot possibly be comply'd with in our present circumstances." 

1 Col. John McCrea was the brother of the celebrated, though unfortunate Jane McCrea. He removed in 1773 to the 
»own of Northumberland, Saratoga Co. 

1 This gentleman removed afterwards to Vermont 


These Letters efiFectually stop all future applications for new missions, which must greatly retard 
the Growth of the Church in America. 

Tlie Lutlieran minister you mention and his people would be a considerable aquisition to the 
Church, and some metliod if possible sliould be fallen upon to send him home for ordination. If he 
is sensible and of a good character, I make no doubt but, upon being properly recommended, he 
would meet with assistance from the Bishops. But this he must not altogether depend upon. Sup- 
pose (if he and his people continue in the same mind) that you should be so good as to represent 
his Case to the Society, and though they will not erect new missions, they may eitlier as a public 
Body, or as private persons, who ought to promote tlie Interests of the Church, make him a present 
of as much as will defray Ids Expences : but this assurance should be obtained before he imbaiks. 
I will also write in his favor, and befriend him in every thing in my power, I would propose a 
subscription liere for Him, but our people are so often called upon for their money, that I should 
be afraid to attempt it. As to the Difliculty of supplying his people with a minister in his absence I 
think that might in a great measure be obviated, by M*' Stewart's visiting them as often as he possibly 
can. perhaps M'" Andrews may be induced to assist. 

Since the Receipt of your last of May the 4*1', I have informed myself as well as I have been able 
concerning the Gentleman you mentioned. His moral character formerly was very good ; but 
since he has commenced Lawyer it is altered. Many dirty things are reported of him, which if true, 
must greatly liurt him. I have consulted with several of my Brethren on the Subject, some of tliem 
know him ; tliey are unanimous in thinking it will not do for us to recommend him for many 
reasons, which we can inform you of, if desired. If the Gentleman is, from a motive of Conscience 
desirous of taking the Gown, I then would recommend it to him to get recommendations to my Lord 
Baltimore, who can provide for him at a distance from his old Friends the Dissenters, who will be 
watching every opportunity to prejudice him, and render abortive any usefulness he may artenipt to 
be of. I am very certain it will never do for him to think of settling in these parts ; neither would 
it do for the Clergy at present to take him by the hand not out of fear or regard for the Dissenters, 
but for fear of consequences which after a previous inquiry, naturally arise. 

Thus Sir I have freely and candidly given you my sentiments on the main Subjects of the two last 
Letters you honoured me with ; if they should appear satisfactory to you I shall be greatly pleased. 

Before I conclude,! must just observe to you that his Lordship of London & Dr. Burton are both 
silent with regard to an American Bishop ; and indeed, such are the confusions at Home and Ileligiou 
so little adverted to, tliat I see no prospect as yet of succeeding ; unless, the late applications of 
the Maryland clergy backed by their Brethren of Virginia, wliicli I have reason to think is now 
about taking place, should demand a little attention, and convince the ministry that the American 
clergy are determined to pursue such steps as Conscience and loyalty suggest, till they succeed in 
what they have as Christians and dutiful Subjects, an undoubted right to petition for. The 
Bishop of London informs me, that his Grace of Canterbury & himself in a very particular manner 
recommended to my Lord Dunmore " the protection of the Church and Clergy in the province of New 
York." You will doubtless conclude that he has taken great notice of tlie recommendation. 

I have the Honor to be (with great respect and sincere regard) Wortliy Sir, 

Your much Obliged and most ob* serv' 

Samuel Auchmuty. 

P. S. please to remember me to my little Brother, the Father of the Mohawks. It gives me great 
plea^ to tind that he is much esteemed & likes his present situation. 
Sir Wm Johnson. 

Vol. IV. 36 



Albany June 25, 1771. 

Hon^'® Sir, Having so favourable an opportunity, by my good Friend M'" Joseph Brent, I beg 
Leave to present my best Respects to you & all the family, and to inform you, that the Rev<i M' 
Inglis of New York has wrote you by me ; The Letter has been Sent by your Post, & I hope, is 
come safe to hand. You have heard, I understand, of some foolish people, that have been endeav- 
ouring to disturb the peace of my Congregation ; and am sorry to learn, that my Conduct in that 
affair, lias not been represented to you in the most favourable light. The whole affair was so silly 
& ridiculous, that I did not think it worth while to trouble you with an account thereof. I intend 
soon liowever, to wait upon you Sir, at the Hall ; till then I trust to your Candour, that you will 
Suspend any Judgement of the matter, till you hear my Story — audi et alteram partem. — I sliall 
only mention at present, that my Congregation is in perfect peace, and Quietness ; notwithstanding 
any malicious Reports to the Contrary. I remain with great Esteem & Respect, 

Hon^'* Sir, Your most Obedient Servant. 

To Sir William Johnson. Harry Munro. 


relative to his PLA.N for christianising the INDIANS. 

Johnson hall July 4*'' 1771. 

Good Sir, Your favor of the 25"' of May has been for some time in ray hands, but I was pre- 
vented by business from ans\vering it sooner, and Indeed I am as yet unable to do so as fully as I 
could wish. 

I very much approve of the plan you have laid down for your Design, as well as of tlie heads 
under which it is to be digested, as they will Amuse and Instruct, at the same time tliat they 
enforce tlie Arguments in favor of its particular object. The principal difficultys in the way of 
Christianizing the Indians does not depend on them, but remain with ourselves, First, The Want 
hitherto of a tliorough knowledge of their Genius and Disposition, or of the proper means to be 
pursued. Secondly, the want of zeal and Perseverance, Sufficient for such an arduous undertaking 
which has often rendered many attempts abortive, and that where tliese Qualities have been found 
united (as amt some of the Dissenters) Tlie possessors are not only deticient in knowledge and 
Capacity, but of a Gloomy Severity of manners totally disqualifying them from such a Task. 
Thirdly, The Want of a Suitable fund that may enable the few otherwise fitting for the purpose 
to attempt it. 

That some may be found equal to the business I have no doubt, and from the Effects which the 
Religion of our Church produces on the Dispositions ot its Members, It is most reasonable to think 
that such would be found amongst us, who would insinuate the principles of Christianity in a 
manner that would be more pleasing to the Indians and most likely To succeed, but this last is a 
remark entre nous, as possibly it would be furiously attacked — Tho' Indeed you must Expect that 
any t'.iuig you can Write whicli will tend, to obstruct their Schemes, or to throw this important 
business into other hands, will meet with strong opposition, and he bitterly answered. 



You propose, (and I think it will Illustrate your design) That one of your heads shall be a short 
Historical and Topographical account &c as most pieces that have appeai-ed on this Subject are 
very deffective, and as none of them could when Written or from the then State of Information be 
Correct, It will greatly add to the merit of your Work to place these points in their true Light, but 
as this is a Work of difficulty, which Will require a very particular Information I should tliink it 
the safest to give a General Brief Sketch of it, which will sufficiently answer the design — The Con- 
version of the Indians would greatly Contribute to secure them to our Interest, and prove a means 
of Counteracting the future designs of the French who certainly are very busy In sowing the seeds 
of discontent amongst the Ind^ and will Continue to do Whilst they have any Intercourse with any 
part of the Continent. — Under the Circumstances which promise success to such an attempt at this 
time I am of opinion that our possessions of Canada does in some measure secure us from the Prac- 
tices of popish Missionaries but not Effectually, which I think ought to be a Spurr to our Industry, 
For their being at present a Romish Bishop, and many Clergymen of that Church there, who take 
uncommon pains to preserve the Indians in the faith they wei-e taught, and to gain proselytes, Tlie 
Ind' who have any Intercourse therewith being like the rest naturally Captivated with pomp & 
Ceremony will allvvays he in danger till we have some Establishments that may Counterpoise the 
advantage they possess, and the assiduity of their endeavors The Capacity of the Indians for 
receiving knowledge, & Comprehending Divine Truth is certainly not to be doubted, and as they 
have an Excellent Genius for Imitation, after they have i-eceived due Instruction in Christianity, 
they may be easily & insensibly Led to become Enamoured of the Arts of peace. 

They have been in some Measure & should allways be taught to place their Confidence in & Look 
up to his Majesty as their Common Father & Protector who is disposed to redress their grievances 
and to Contribute a portion of his Royal bounty and Autliority to the making them happy ; His 
patronage of a plan calculated for their prosperity here & hereafter as it will be the strongest proof 
he can give them of his regard, so it will be the best Security for their allegiance. It has been the 
opinion of Government, that all affairs with them sho*" pass thro' one Chanell, to the Crown as the 
fountain, & this plan on that Principle has a peculiar claim to the Royal Patronage from the ill 
Consequences which must attend the Leaving them Exposed, to the various Unsettled Tenets in 
Rehgion & Politicks with which an Extensive Country Abounds, which not only Lessens their 
Opinion of our Wisdom & principles, but must abate their affection for the Crown. 

I delivered your Letter to Odeserundy who was made very happy by the rect of it, and Expressed 
his most Grateful Acknowledgments I am now in the utmost hurry, having sometime since sent to 
call a few Chiefs of each Nation, in order to enquire into some Informations I rec<i from the South- 
ward, 300 Ind^ a much larger number than was required have accordingly come here, — Two days 
ago we entered upon business, In the midst of which I am now engaged, which will apologize for 
my not being able to add more at this time than that I am with the most perfect Esteem 

Dr Sir &c 

The Revd M'. Inglis. 





Johnson hall July 4'h 1771. 

Good Sir I have been favored with your Letter of last month, which I am sorry to find does 
not contain any agreeable Intelligence from London ; Indeed I do not believe the Societys funds will 
admit of their extending their bounty to, or establishing new Missions, but those which they have 
established are not all supplied with Missionaries, The Church of Canajoharee Seems intended by 
the allowance made to Mr. Hall and that at Johnstown is Established but both are still vacant the' 
from their situation if Supplied with Good Men they w^ greatly Extend the Christian faith on 
this frontier, and prove a vast addition to the Church, which already begins to bear a respectable 
appearance in this Country, As for Johnstown, I can find no body for it, tho the Congregation last 
Sunday to hear the Lutheran minister were upwards of 500, of which 250 were Communicants. 
And Mr. Hall whose Sallary goes on, and who was to have been long since at Canajoharee has not 
been since heard of, I think enquiries should be made about him and that he should be directed 
to go there according to the Expectations of the Society. 

In short we must make the most of the Missions already established till a more favorable 
period, and in the mean time make tryal of the Generosity of the people of England under the 
Countenance of tlie Bishops in favor of any farther Religious Establishments. 

I am intirely of your opinion witli regard to the Lutheran Minister and shall after some further 
conversat" with him most willingly mention the affair in my Letters, and would have you Do the 
same after you hear next from me to the end tliat some subscription may be set on foot or some 
assurance obtained previous to his undertaking it, to prevent disappointments, and indeed this point 
should be conducted in a private manner, to prevent the many obstructions that will be thrown 
in his Way by those to whom it would prove disagreable — I should not have mentioned the other 
Gentleman, wlio was desirous of taking orders but at his particular entreaty and I have some 
reason to think that your Observations thereon are Extremely Just. 

I am inclined to hope that the Application you mention of tlie Maryland & Virginia Clergy, being 
an additional proof of the General Wishes of the American Clergy will Merit some attention. I 
look upon that Establishment to be a Grand & Important object including in it almost every thing 
else which we should never lose sight of, and I am persuaded that perseverance will at last obtain it. 

I am sorry the recoinmendat" of his Grace of Canterbury, & the Bishop of London, has met with 
so little notice from a certain quarter, which I understand to be the case from the close of your 
Letter, perhaps it is owing to his being of different Religious Sentiments, or to a total Indifference in 
these matters. 

D'. Auchmuty. 




New York, Augt 19, 1771. 

Worthy Sir, This moment I received the Society's Sermon & Abstract for tlie present Year, & 
hearing that M"" Finn is just setting out lor Schenectady, I send a Copy by liim, & snatch a 
minute to write to you. 

The Sermon was preached by the justly celebrated Bishop Lowth, one of tlie first Cliaracters in 
England for Erudition, Piety k Abilities. I observe witli Pleasure that lie lias taken notice of the 
Plan we liave now under Consideration ; whicli shews tlie Society's attention is awake to this 
Business, & will be no bad Preparative for its going down with others. I also observe with 
singular satisfaction the just Compliment liis Lordship pays you at page 24 of the Sermon, tho he 
does not name you. In truth what he says coincides exactly with what I have always thought & 
have often said. Providence seems to mark you out as the proper Instrument in its Hand, to 
civilise those poor savages, & bring them out of the Bosom of Heathen Darkness into the Fold of his 
blessed son ; & I am confident that this will add Lustre to your memory amongst Posterity. Lustre 
superior even to that you have so justly & in so high a Degree acquired already in the Field. Such 
a Testimony from such a man as Bishop Lowth, in such an audience, k on suclj an occasion, must 
afford the most sensible satisfaction to a generous mind, & I sincerely congratulate you on it. 

I return you many thanks for your Letter of the IS''' of last month. It contains several us'jful 
Hints, of which I shall avail myself. I am really surprised tliat you should find Time to write 
so often, with such Perspecuity, & so much to the purpose, amidst such a multiplicity of Business. 
It shews a very clear Head, & a Turn for, as well as regular method of, doing Business. The 
memorial is almost finished. The continual interruptions I daily meet with from parochial Duties & 
other matters have much retarded it. I can scarce ever sit at it two Hours at a time — several Days 
pass without being able to devote a single minute to it. However it will be done I hope in a 
Fortnight ; & I shall then send it to you by some safe Conveyance. I have taken a good deal 
of Pains with it, & could I have consulted you on particular occasions, it had been better executed. 
However it will undergo your Correction. After retrenching many things, it will fill upwards 
of 30 Pages in Quarto. The Notice Bishop Lowth has taken of this aftair gives me fresh spirits, 
& animates me with ardour to write what yet remains. 1 have had a Hint lately of a Fund which 
would assist us in bearing the Expence of this Scheme ; but as my intelligence is yet imperfect, I 
shall not trouble you with it at present. I shall endeavor to gain more satisfactory Intelligence, & 
shall not fail of acquainting you with it immediately, if obtained. 

You have lately had a Sample of our late Right Honourable Governor'. From that Specimen 
you will be able to judge of the Man. At present we have a truly worthy Governor^. He is a 
Gentleman of excellent Sense, as you may see by the answ^ers to the addresses presented to him ; his 
Life is most exemplary, & he is a warm Friend to Religion, to the Church of England & the Society. 
From his well known Character, I have not a Doubt but he would zealously second our Design ; 
& from private Information I learn that he has considerable Influence with Lord Hillsboro, which I 
presume will be increased by his late services in N. Carolina. For these Reasons, as well as 
because the Instructions delivered to our Governors contain an article expressly injoining them to 
find out Ways & Means for converting the Savages, (which I use as an Argument for the Interposi- 

1 The E»rl of Dunmore. 2 Gov. Tryon. 



tion of Government in the present Case) I have been considering whether it miglit not be proper to 
consult Governor Tryon on this occasion, & engage him in the af!air. You are the best Judge of this, 
& I would by no means do any Thing in it without consulting you. Be pleased to let me know your 
Sentiments ; & I shall punctually comply with your Directions. M'' Tryon does not know any Thing 
of the affair as yet. 

The topographical account of the Indian Country, as you justly observe, would require a very 
accurate knowledge of the Relater — much more accurate than I am master of. You will find I 
have only given a short & general Account, merely with a View to make the plan more intelligible 
in England. If you can inform me, I should be glad to know whether tlie Bishop of Quebec has 
Permission to ordain missionaries, & send them where he thinks proper. I take it for granted that he 
has ; but would chuse to be certain. The Articles of Capitulation, or of the Treaty of Peace 
afterwards, say nothing about it. 

My best Compliments wait on Sir John — & be assured you have the sincere Esteem & best 
wishes of, Worthy Sir, 

Youi' very affectionate & humble Serv* 

To Sir W"" Johnson Baron*. Charles Inglis. 

P. S. It would give me much Pleasure to hear from you soon. Could a Map of the Country of 
the Iroquois be transmitted with the Memorial, pointing out the different Races there mentioned, I 
believe it would be of Service perhaps it would be difficult to procure this — I have several Maps 
by me, but they are all very imperfect. 


At a meeting of the Commissioners of the Company for propagating the Gospel in New England 
& parts adjacent. 

The Governor having communicated at the last meeting of the Commissioners the Correspondence 
between him and Sir Will'" Johnson in consequence of a vote of the 13"* May relative to the Journal 
of M' Kirkland, the Companys Missionary at Oneida : and M^ Kirkland being now in town & 
attending the Commissioners & inform'g them. Tliat he had lately seen Si^ William and had 
related to him those passages in his Journal to which tlie vote of the Board and the Governors 
letter in consequence thereof referred ; and had likewise acquainted him, tliat the whole of the 
matters which he had laid before the Board, he had represented as coming from the Indians ; which 
likewise appears from the Journal itself. And Sir William having expressed to M"". Kirkland his 
desire for the success of the Mission, the Board now think it proper to desire the Governor to give 
their thanks to Sir William for his kind expressions of regard contained both in his Letter to the 
Governor & in conversation with M' . Kirkland : and to desire the countenance of his favour and 
encouragement to the Mission. 

A. Oliver. 




Johnson hall Augt 22^ 1771. 
Sir, I have just received a Letter from Gov"" Hutchinson inclosing some papers from tlie Com 
mittee at Boston for propagating Christ" faith, tliey relate to a Journal you have lately transmitted 
to them, The particulars of which are not ment'' I must desire to know from you what was the 
occasion of your Writing, & that you will send me the whole particulars as I am given to under- 
stand, that it contained some Representations, that regard me. It is necessary tliat I should have 
the whole of tlais matter from yourself without delay. 

I am, Sir, 
Tlie Rev<i M«- Kirtknd. 



Johnson hall Sepf lO'h 1771. 

Good Sir, On my return from a Spring back of Schenectaday which has lately been discovered, 
I was favored with your kind Letter inclosing Bishop Lowth's Sermon, & the Abstract for which I 
kindly thank you. 

As I believe I must acknowledge the Compliment therein as Intended for me, I am bound in 
Gratitude to declare to you my obligation to that Worthy Prelate for tlie Distinguished honor he 
has conferred on my little endeavors in his excellent Discourse before so Worthy & respectable 
an audience. 

I can affirm with Truth that besides my own heartfelt Satisfaction I have no motive, or occasion 
to Spurr my Inclinations than thereby to acquire the friendship of those Worthy Charactei'S by 
Avhom it is an honor to be Esteemed & I am only concerned that with such Inclinations I have 
not more ability to merit their favorable Testimonies. 

You have doubtless many interruptions in tlie prosecut" of your favorite object, but I hope you 
may soon compleat it to y"^ Satisfact" as I know it will be to mine when you favor me with 
the perusal. 

If you think the fund you hint at will at all answer I shall be glad to have it explained, and I 
approve much of y Intended application to Gov'' Tryon, as his amiable character, and Countenance 
of the Churcli in the Colony he lately Governed shews him to be a real friend to its Interests tlie 
orig' Intentions, (or perhaps pretences) of all Gov'* in planting America seemed to have the 
Christianizing the Natives as a principal object. It has been declared in Charters & I believe in the 
Gov" Instructions, but tho' it may have been long considered as matter of form, & Consequently 
little regarded, It may nevertheless have a good effect, and meet with more serious attention under 
the administration of a Gent already disposed to the Interests of the Cliurch. 

I cannot at present certainly inform you whether the Bishop of Quebec can ordain Missionaries, 
&c, tho' 1 believe he can, but I imagine if so, that they are not to be Jesuites that order being so 
much discountenanced in most of the Romish States, and Secretly disliked by the Clergy of that 
denominant" from the superiority of their Influence, over the Great of that Church. 


I tliink that a Map of the Country you speak of freed from the errors of all those that have been 
publislied would greatly Illustrate your Work but no Regular surveys have been made thereof. 
The most accurate sketches that have been obtained are in the hands of Col. G. Johnson who has 
taken much pains in these matters, and will readily contribute his assistance by sending you such 
a one as may in some measure answer y desires. 

The Revd M' Cha^ Inglis. 


New York, Sep. 21, 1771. 

Worthy Sir, I am honoured with Yours of the 10*^ Instant ; tho it did not come to Hand till 
after I sent the INIemorial by Mf Browne of Skenectady, which I hope you have recieved by 
this Time. 

I am fully sensible you require " no Spur to your Inclinations" with Regard to the measures 
proposed for converting the Indians. Indeed your Zeal is what chiefly animates the Friends of that 
Scheme with Hopes of its Success : And it is evident that Bishop Lowth only intended to give a 
Testimony in his Sermon of the Sense tliat He & the Society have of your Zeal in this good 
cause, & how much depends upon you. For my part, I am freto declare, as I always have, that next 
to Providence, my chief Expectation & Dependance are founded on Your Zeal, Abilities & Influence 
both with the Ministry & the Indians ; & if any Thing is ever done for tlie latter, I am persuaded 
it must be thro Your Means. 

As the Conversion of the Indians is not mentioned in Governor Tryon's Instructions, I have not 
said any Thing to him on the Subject. His Concurrence indeed might be of Service & I verily 
believe he would readily join in forwarding the Scheme were he required to do so. But from 
Motives of Delicacy, I would cliuse to decline it, before I have a corrected Copy of the Memorial 
from You. In my humble Opinion, a Letter from Yourself to his Excellency, mentioning the 
Expediency of the proposed measures to convert & civilise the Indians, & desiring him to join in 
supporting the Petition of the Memorial by writing to Lord Hillsborough, would be the best Method 
of Procedure. Whatever you judge proper notwithstanding, will readily be acquiesced in by me ; & 
I shall punctually follow your Directions. 

The Hint I formerly gave you of a Fund to support the Indian Missions, I received from His 
Excellency Governor Franklin. I had warmly recommended him to the Society for Admission as a 
Member. Accordingly he was elected ; & upon recieving notice of this from D«" Burton, I 
acquainted his Excellency with it by Letter. In his answer, he told me among other Things — That 
there were several valuable Islands in Delaware River which had not been yet annexed either to 
Pennsylvania or New Jersey — that the Inhabitants, of those Islands who were numerous, were 
desirous to have the Islands annexed to the Government of New Jersey — that on this Consideration, 
they would be willing to pay down a large Sum of money, or be afterwards subject to a consid- 
eerable Quit-Rent — & His Excellency imagined that the Sum they would advance, or the Quit Rents 
they should afterwards pay, might easily be procured for the Support of an American Episcopate, 
or of Indian Missions. I immediately wrote to him, requesting to know what he thought the Quit 
Rents of those Islands might amount to annually k that he would use his Influence with tlie Ministry 
to have them appropriated to the Uses he mentioned. I have yet recieved no Answer to this 


Letter, the several Weeks have elapsed since it was written, which I impute to the Governor's 
being mucli perplexed at present with Business. However, as the Corporation for tlie Relief of 
Clergymen's Widows, &c is to meet at Amboy the Week after next, where I shall attend ; 1 intend 
to go from thence to Burlington to confer with his Excellency on the Subject, if I should not hear 
from him before that Time. I shall communicate to you whatever Intelligence I recieve. 

I am the more anxious about this afiair, as I apprehend the greatest obstacle to the Memorial's 
taking place, will be the Fund that it requires. The Measure is so evidently necessary & the whole 
Design so humane & expedient in every Respect, which it recommends, that no Man can object to it, 
or forbear wishing it success. How many Thousands are annually expended by Government on 
Matters which are extremely trivial compared to this ! Tliis Iiowever is what we have Nothing to 
do with. Could any Fund, not yet appropriated, be pointed out, — I am convinced il; would 
greatly facilitate the Sclieme, & contribute to procure for it the Countenance of Government ; for such 
a Fund would, I think, be readily granted lor the- purpose. If none such can be specified, the 
Memorial must even take its Chance. There is no Doubt that the Ministry will pay great Regard to 
whatever comes from you on this Head. Your Recommendation will draw their attention, if any 
Thing can ; for it is not only my Opinion, but that of every one besides, that tiiere is no person 
whatever whose Influence is more essential to the Peace & Wellare of America than Yours at i^iesent. 

I shall be greatly obliged to Col. Johnson for tlie Map of the Iroquois Country you mention. 
But probably it should rather go with the Copy of the Memorial that you may send to Lord 
Hillsborough. The only Reason for which I desired it was to make the Plan laid down in the 
Memorial more intelligble in England ; & of Course command more attention to it — Not but that I 
shouhl be much pleased to see a correct Map of that Countjy ; but I would not desire any 
Gentleman to be at so much Trouble merely for that Purpose. My best Compliments wait on Col. 
Johnson & Sir John — Col. Clause I suppose is not yet returned from Canada. 

If you do not find it necessary to make any very great Alterations in the Memorial, perhaps the 
most expeditious Method, & what would be attended with least Trouble to you, would be to make 
those Alterations, Interlineations, &c in the Copy I sent You ; & after jou have had it transcribed 
fair, to return it to me. From it I shall make another Transcript for the Society. 

M^ Stuart is now here on his Return to Fort Hunter. He will set out for Home in a few Days. 
The liltle Gentleman seems to bear Fatigue very well. With every Wish for Your Health & 
Happiness, I am, Worthy Sir, 

Your most affectionate & humble Serv* 

To Sir Wm Johnson. Charles Inglis. 

P. S. I hope You received Benefit from the Springs near Skenectady — It is very sickly all round 
us, owing to the heavy Rains we have had during the Summer — 



Johnson hall Sepf 281" 1 771 . 

Good Sir, Your last favor was so long by the Way that I have scarcely had leisure to give your 

Memorial a perfect reading as my son & Col: Johnson were going for N York, I thought it tlie 

best opportunity I could have for returning it safe to y hands and for the same reasons shall omit 

some particulars which otherwise I should have enlarged upon. I am vastly pleased with y Work 

Vol. IV. 87 


& I do assure you that It was with great satisfaction I found so many Important heads which would 
eacli In my opinion have filled a pamphlet completel}'', & Clearly discussed in a i'ew shetts. 

From the Indulgence you have given me I must however observe to you, that, In the plan for the 
Indians Conversion I cannot think it safe to admit either Husbandmen or Mechauicks 1 believe I 
formerly assigned some reasons for this my opinion wliicli were principally founded on the Jealousy 
of the Inds to this I might have added some reasons of equal Weight, for which I now refer you to 
Col: Johnson, and tlierefore shall only add, that If you can take away all that regards that head the 
remainder will perfectly Express my Sentiments and wishes. Tliat part I am persuaded must 
have appeared to you Extreamely necessary, and but for some causes which few are acquainted 
with It would have been so. I am not under the apprehension that you will condemn my Jieedom 
in pointing out this, for I shall alhvays treat you with tliat Candor which is due to Your merit and 
friendship. I send herewith a Letter to Lord Hillsboro' wherein I have endeavored (o do some 
Justice to your Work, which at the same time obliged me to Introduce you as the author, Tiio' 
this was but an Act of Justice I had sev' other good reasons for it, and the work can be very 
Easily adapted to that Circumstance. 

I have taken the opportunity of Introducing D"" Cooper, into this Letter In such a manner as will 
make him a proper person to Deliver the Work to his Lordship and will I trust be an additional 
Testimony in favor of his Worth & Merit. 

I shall Long to hear that these things are agreeable to you, and In the Interim remain with 

perfect Esteem. 

D' S' &c. 
The Rev^ M"^ Cha" Inglis. 


Sir, The Favors I have received from you, & the Civilities you have from Time to Time been 
pleased to shew me, induces me to take the Liberty of informing You, that I have very lately 
opened a Grammar School in this Town, and that I may make it the more generally useful, I shall 
give Instructions, in Writing, Reading and Arithmetic. — At present I have Ten Scholars, and as the 
Prices are moderate, I have the Prospect of getting more daily. 

I hope, Sir, it may merit your Countenance and Encouragement, as it shall be conducted with 
the greatest Care and Attention, and that you will be good enough to patronize this undertaking, 
which may prove useful to the People here, and may enable me to continue amongst them. 

I had determined upon waiting on you to communicate this Scheme, when I lately preached at 
Fort-Hunter, but was prevented by some Circumstances. 

Believe me, that I am, with the truest Gratitude, 

Sir, Your most affectionate, and very humble Servant, 

Wm. Andrews. 
Schenectady. 28'h Sep'. 1771. 

The hon^ie Sir W"" Johnson Bar'. 




New York, Octob. 23, 1771. 

Dear & wortliy Sir, I received your last Favour by Col. Johnson, & intirely acquiesce in the 
Method you propose the Memorial should be transmitted to Lord Hillsborough, you are indisputably 
tlie best Judge of the properest Manner, as I am fully persuaded that no person can have the success 
of tlie Measure proposed more at Heart. 

It was extremely kind & obliging to send your Letter to Lord Hillsborougli open ; & the very 
friendly, tho too partial, mention that is made of me in it, claims my warmest Gratitude. Be 
assured I have the liighest sense of the Honour you do me ; &, I shall think myself extremely happy, 
if under your Direction & Influence, I can in any measure be instrumental in promoting a scheme 
by which so many advantages may be derived to the State — so much Honour to our Church — & 
so many Benefits to the Indians, who I believe want no more than proper Culture, to make a3 
distinguishing a Figure as any People upon Earth. 

The amendment you proposed with Respect to Farmers & Mechanics is made. Every thing 
relative to tliem, except Smiths, is struck out. I confess it was more out of Compliance with com- 
mon Prejudices that induced me to insert any thing about Fnrmeis & Caipenters, than from a 
Conviction of tlieir utility. But your Hint determined me immediately to leave out every tiling 
that was said about them. The article concerning Smiths is retained ; because you did not object 
to it, & the Government formerly allowed them. 

By Col. Jolmson's Directions I inserted a few more Particulars. Pondiac's affair is more fully 
stated — the Ravages occasioned by the Insurrection which he headed are more minutely delineated, 
being of great Consequence to remove the Notion of our being out of any Danger from the Indians, 
as we are Masters of Canada. A few Reflections are also added concerning the Western Indians, 
whose Jealousy is raised by our Conquest of Canada, & by which we have more Enemies among 
them now than formerly ; as many Nations, to wliom the English were little known before, & whom 
the French taught to despise us, now observe us with a Jealous Eye. And lastly, I have thrown 
out a Hint near the Conclusion, how much more agreable to the Indians the solemnity of our 
Worship is than that of the Dissenters — that the Indians esteem the National Religion most, being 
professed by *,he King ; & that it would be more eligible to entrust their Conversion to Clergymen 
of the Church of England, by which their Fidelity to the Crown would be indubitably secured, 
than to Dissenting Teachers. 

Having made these alterations and additions besides a few others that were necessary as the Memorial 
was not to go in your Name. I had it copied out fair in a good Hand, & in a Quarto Size ; and 
having a Marble cover, with Col. Johnson's accurate & neat Map prefixed, made a Handsome looking 
Pamplet. I laid the Memorial, as you intimated, before Governor Tryou, who was so kind 
as to approve it & I believe recommended it to Lord Hillsboro : Your Letter however is what I 
place all my hope on of having any attention paid to this Scheme by Government ; altho I thought 
it my Duty to write the Society that they would join in lu-ging this Business ; particularly the Lord 
Bishop of Oxford, who has lately favoured me with a Letter, & to whom I have communicated 
largely my Sentiments on this subject.. God Grant that the Steps taken maybe attended with 
success. There are few earthly objects that would give me more sincere Pleasure. 

D^ Cooper is saild. He was very thankful for the friendly notice you took of him in your 


Letter to Lord Hillsborough, & desired to be aifectionately remembered to you. He was on the 
point of embarking wlieu Sir Jobu & Col. Johnson came to Town, & I have been so constantly 
employed in assisting to prepare addresses to go by him from the Clergy & the College, & in 
moving to the College, that I have been deprived much more of the Pleasure of their Company 
than 1 would Clnise. Indeed their Friends were so glad to see them, after so long an Absence, that 
they were almost continually out, & I could only spend a Couple of Evenings with them. There 
is an affair relativ^e to Kirtland, the Indian Missionary, which I have mentioned to Col. Johnson to 
be communicated to you, not thinking it safe to commit it to writing. You are the only Person that 
can accomplish it, and it requires much Delicacy. 

Your approbation of the Memorial gives me much Pleasure. But in Reality if it has any Merit, 
It should be placed to your own Account ; as I only arranged the Materials with which you supplied 
me ; & this I mentioned both to M"^ Tryon & the Society. 

By this Time I hope 3^ou are returned safe from your Excursions into the Indian Country. That 
every Felicity may attend you — & that you may be long continued a Blessing & an ornament to 
this Country, is the sincere "Wish & Prayer of, 

Worthy Sir, Your most affectionate 

much obliged & very humble Serv* 

To Sir W'" Johnson. Charles Inglis. 


Sir, I lately took the Liberty of acquainting You, that I had opened a Grammar School in this 
Town, and since that, I have determined on forming it into an Academy, and propose giving 
Instructions in Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, Geography and History to those who may be designed 
to fill the Stations of active Life, exclusive of those who may be taught the Learned Languages- 
Book-keeping, and Merchants accompts to fit them for Business, or the Mechanic Arts — At present 
I have Tliirteen Scholars, and as the Prices are moderate for teaching, and receiving Boai'ders, I 
have a good Prospect of getting more daily. 

I hope. Sir, it may merit your Countenance and Encouragement, as it shall be conducted with 
the greatest Care and Attention, and that you will be good enough to patronize this Plan, which 
may prove very useful to this Place, and may enable me to continue in this Mission. 

When I left London I positively saw my Salary settled in the venerable Society's Books at £50 
Sterling a year, and I then express'd my surprize that it exceeded my Expectations by <£10, as I 
knew you had been pleased to have had even that annexed to what it formerly was. — But by a Letter 
from Doctor Burton, & from the Abstracts for this Year, I learn it really is no more than £40, which 
together with what my Congregation give, which is .£40 Currency, is quite insuflBcient to support 
me. — Indeed the people subscribe as largely & willingly as they possibly can. In short, they contri- 
bute all in their Power to make me live easy, and I do every Thing I can to please them, by 
doing my Duty amongst them. 

What I only wish for, is, that the venerable Society wou'd please to add something to My 
Income, either on Account of the School, or because of the Poverty of the Mission. — For, I 
believe I may safely pronounce it to be one of the poorest Missions on the Continent. — Still I wou'd 
not wish to appear discontented, for I am far from being so — I only desire to have my Income so 
settled, in a moderate Way, That I can make it barely satisfy my few Wants. 


Whenever your Church is fit for Service, I shou'd be willing, if agreeable to you to preach at 
times, till you please to receive a Clergyman, as that is the only Metliod I have of shewing my 
Gratitude for the Favors yon have conferred, on him who is with great Respect. 

Sir, Your most obedient Servant, 
Schenectady, 5'^ November 1771. Wm. Andrews. 

The Honi'ie Sir W^ Johnson Bar'. 


Johnson hall NoV^ 18"' 17^71. 

Sir, I have had tlie favor of yours informing me of your having opened a Grammar School, and 
of your resolution since to form it into an Academy, of all which I cannot but approve from the 
Just opinion I entertain of your abilities for & attention to the duties of such an Undertaking. You 
may therefore be assured, of such encouragement & recommendation as it is in my power to afford you. 

I am really concerned at your disappointment of the additional £10 per annum, being thoroughly 
persuaded of the reasonableness of what you say concerning your pres(>nt situation which I wish it 
was in my power to improve, by anything I can say in your behalf, and with that View shall 
mention your case in my next Letters to the Society, tho' I am sensible that their funds, are much 
reduced by the late necessary Establishm*. 

It is my sincere wish that your present useful undertaking may alleviate those disagreable cir- 
cumstances which you have described, and become more suitable to your Merit than the modera- 
tion of your Wishes which are an additional recommendation to your Character. 

I am much obliged by your offer of preacliing at Johnstown occasionally, till that Mission is 
supplied, which I should by no means decline If It could be done Consistent with your Engagements 
in Schenectady, as I shall allways be glad to see you, and to demonstrate that I am with regard, 

Your hearty Well Wisher 

The ReV^ M' W"" Andrews. & most humble Servt, 


Johnson Hall Jany 27th 1772. 

Good Sir I have been lately favored with your Letter of the 4*^ Inst on the subject of which 
I wish it was in my power to afford you satisfaction, For it would give me pleasure to be the Instru 
ment in procuring suitable relief for a Lady of the Character & merit you describe, and especially 
one who is Connected with you. 

There is such a fund in Ireland as you describe which as I have allways understood was used 
Chiefly for the support of Ladies whose Husbands or near Connections liad served the state, and at 
the disposal of tlie Lord Lieutenant; whether M'^ Ellis is witliin the predicament I have mentioned, 
or not, I suppose that with proper Interest she might be placed on the List, but really I am unluckily 
a most unfit person to make such application, for a residence of above 30 years in America 
togetlier with the nature of my office which directs my Correspondence to England has deprived 
me of all my old acquaintances In Ireland who could be of any service, & for many years Limited 


my Correspondence to my own family, and as far as Lord Townsend tho' he has been for a short 
time in America, yet we never served togetlier, neither had I any opportunity of seeing or being 
known to him, fur which reason you know 1 could not with the least propriety apply to him, or 
direct the disposition of liis bounty at such a distance, — any of the Donegal members might do her 
business at once, and I have understood that it is thro' such Channell that such favors are dis- 
pensed ; If this did not occur to you, perhaps it may be of some use, at least I wish it, for I am 
really co}icerned that in this Instance I cannot shew you how mucli I am inclined to serve Indigent 
merit, & to oblige you I am liopefull that by this Time you may have heai'd of the safe arrival of 
D' Cooper in England, and sincerely wish success to every thing that is committed to his charge, 
Tlio' I dont know all tlie objects of his voyage, I make no doubt but that he will prove an able 
Sollicitor, & that the Indian Memorial will meet with some attention. Your prejudices in favor of 
these people are truly laudable, and I hope you will ere long see some of our good Wishes 

I shall be very much obliged to you for the Pamphlett you mention whenever any private hand 
offers, and also to hear any thing material that may be sent you from England. 

It is of the highest importance to all new seats of Learning that they acquire an early reputation 
and the friends of N York College must be pleased to find that D^ Coopers place is so ably filled 
in his absence. 

I sliall remember you to M' Stewart, and have S' John & Col: Johnsons kind Compliments now to 
transmit you. I shall also Let the Indian know your farther remembrance of his Son which will be 
taken very kindly. At present I can only add farther that I am Most Sincerely 

The RevJ M"' Chas IngUs. 



Johns Town 18th May 1772. 
Honoured Sir. As the Capital of Tryon is fixed upon to be here, I should be wanting in Duty, 
if I was to omit the opportunity to congratulate your Honour thereupon: but as my intention 
therein will not agree with Custom, I shall proceed; and leave two or three things for your Honours 
consideration, the first of which is, for the immediate finishing of the Church; for as tlie Church 
now remains; your Honour and family cannot have the satisfaction which you otherwise would 
have, if the Churcli was finished, the Children for instance, mix with the Aged, for the want of 
a Gallary; — and for the want of seats, many of the Grown people are very troublesome — The next 
thing I consider of the utmost importance to the General wellfare of this Patent, is the Clotliing of the 
Poor Cliildren, with something low priced for a suitable uniform, to be worn at no other Time but 
on the Sabath — this would encourage and Command the Childrens attendance, and engage their 
Parents: and when Care is taken of the Childrens Cloathes, the expense of Clothing them will be 
inconsiderable. Avhat a pitty is it therefore, to see, so great, and so good a thing, as this is not to 
take place; when a Boy, to ride post from the Hall (wlio perhaps like too many others live in 
idleness) would more tlian pay the sum whicli the before recommended Charity will require. — Tlie 
next thing I mean to refer to, is the Building of a new Free School house nearly in the Centre of 
the Free School-House Lot in the form of an academy; with a conveniency at the top, for tlie little 


Bell of tlie Hall; if this was to be done, the present School House might be removed upon one of 

tlie vacant Lots in Town, and answer the Ejid of a dwelling house — as it would not be proper 

for to have tlie New Free School in the least incumbered, but to have tlie whole Lott fenced 

in neatly, and Sutable Trees planted round the whole square. If tliese things was done, (which is 

of far greater Consequence than the Building of Blockhouses in Town) your Honour would then 

engage tlie attention of people, and perhaps them who live in the remotest part of his present 

Majesty's Dominions. And as the particulars refered to, generally atract the attention of Gentlemen 

of the first rank; and as your Honour is capable of giving the foremost of them a Pattern, its a 

pitty any hurry of Business shou'd so far interfere, as to set aside your Honours intention therein. — 

and the only reason why I have been so very troublesome at times to your Honour as I have been, 

is owing to my being a Spectator to Transactions, which selfevidently debars your Honour from 

being as Great, which your Honours universal Goodness of heart entitles you of being, is the 

opinion, of Honoured Sir, 

your Honours most Dutifull and very obliged Serv* 

John Cottgrave. 
Honourable Sir William Johnson Baronet. 

N. B. As the first years Cloathing will appear at this Time perhaps too expensive (your Honour 
having so many to provide for), I will be wilhng from the same Consideration to allow your Honour 
Ten pounds towards the expense: and if my Circumstances were otherwise than they are at present, 
I do assure your Honour, I would do much more and with the greatest pleasure — but being out of 
Trade and under a perticular disadvantage for the present, hope your Honour will excuse my offer, 
and to keep the same as a Secret; as no other person living will be acquainted with my Conclusion 


Johnson hall June 25th 1772. 
Sir, After being long in expectation of procuring a Missionary, for tliis place, of such a Character 
as I could wis'i to see seated here, thro' the kind endeavors of the Society, and finding (hat such 
a person had not been found out, but that they wished me to use my endeavors to get one that was 
fitting, I accordingly wrote to some of my acquaintances (whose enquirys I thought miglit be attended 
with Success) Signifying tliat on their meeting with a Gentleman in Orders of good Character, who 
was willing to settle here, I should give him a favorable reception, with a preferrence to the first 
person that should be found, I have lately been informed in consequence thereof by a Friend 
of mine that he lias at length procured me a Gentleman of fair Character and abilities who will 
shortly come to this place as I formerly desired. I therefore thought it necessary to acquaint you 
therewith, as at the time you expressed the desire to remove here. It was not in my power to give 
you an Answer, with any degree of Certainty, least somebody had been already fixed upon in con- 
sequence of my former application. The Gentleman who I am informed will soon be up is an entire 
stranger to me, but from the recommendation I iiave of him, I imagine I cannot deny him the place 
he has been encouraged to expect by the Gentleman whom I impowered. 


If tlierefore this should prevent me from gratifying your Wishes, I can only say that I am 
hopefull it will be no material disappointment to you but that the slenderness of your present 
Mission may be made up by the Success of your Academy, and the great use whicli I am persuaded 
you can be of in your present situation will encourage you to persevere in your pious endeavors at 
Schenectady. I am allvvays, with Esteem 

The Reyd M-" W"" Andrews. - Sir &c. 


London July 20tli 1772. 

Dear Sir. Both Gratitude & Inclination induce me to imbrace the first Opportunity to inform 
you of my Success, b)'' Virtue of your recommendatory Letter to Co' Sliarpe who received me 
with much Friendship & Hospitality : & kindly asked after tlie Health & Prosperity of his Good old 
Friend Sir William Johnson. At the same Time let me know, that at Present, there was not a 
vacant Parish in Maryland, but if I inclined to persue my Design, he would recommend me to his 
Friends in Virginia where I could have a Title to a vacant Parish ; & if any became vacant in 
Maryland; he would use his Influence for my Interest; and thought it premature to apply to 
Governor Eden, for a Living till I was in holy Orders : accordingly I received from Co' Sharpe & his 
Friends Letters to Lord Fairfax, Col George Fairfax Co' Washington & others ; whereby I readily 
obtained a Title to a vacant Parish : & Letters to his Lordship the Bishop of London by whom I was 
ordained Deacon the tenth & Priest the fourteenth Ultimo. 

I have had the Pleasure & Happiness to fall into Company with Your good Friends Samuel 
Wharton Esq' : & Major Trent who remembring a few Days w^e spent togither with you at tlie Hall 
before the general Treaty ; and understanding that I was recommended by you on this Occasion 
were pleased to take a particular Notice of me on your Account : and introduced me to some of the 
first Families in this Place : by whom I was treated with much Kindness & generosity & intertained 
with much Splendor. And when I informed M' Wharton that you had advised me, & that I was 
desirous of settling in Maryland ; he procured me Letters one from Sir John Eden oldest Brother of 
Governor Eden^ another from W™ Eden^ a younger Brother, & by his Interest & Intimacy with the 

1 Samuel Wharton, son of Joseph "Wharton of Philadelphia, was born on the 3rd of May 1732. He was a Gentleman of 
very considerable talents, and was concerned in a purchase made of the Indians of a large tract of land on the Ohio. The 
Government of Great Britain discountenanced transactions of that nature. Mr. Wharton resided in London for some time, 
as the Agent of the Purchasers with the view to obtain the confirmation by Government of the purchase made of the Indians, 
and authority to establish a form of Government on those Lands. The difficulties which occurred between Great Britain 
and her Colonies put an end to all prospect of terminating the scheme favorably. — Letter of Frs. li. Wharton Esq. 

2 Sir Robert Eden, Bart, son of Sir Robert E. of West Auckland, married Carohne, youngest daughter of Charles, 6th 
Lord Baltimore, sister and co-heir of the last peer of that name. He was appointed governor of Maryland in August 1768, 
but did not assume the government (according to McKsihon, History Maryl.) until June, 1769. He continued in power until 
1776. Easy of access, courteous to all, of fascinating accomplishments, he was respected if not beloved even by his political 
enemies. Hence he was permitted to remain in the province even after the establishment of a provincial government which, 
by rule, exempted him and his family from its authority. Whilst enjoying this immunity some despatches from Lord 
George Germaine to his address were intercepted, and General Lee wrote to the Committee of Baltimore ordering his arrest. 
The subject was referred to the Council of Safety who did not think fit to comply, and Governor Eden was permitted to 
embark on 23d June 1776, on board the sloop-of-war, Fowey. On his return to England he was created a Baronet, 19th 
Sept. 1776. He returned to Annapolis in 1784, to look after his lady's estate, and died in the neighborhood of that city in 
the year 1786. En. 

3 William Eden (afterwards Lord Auckland,) was son of Sir Robert E. He was eaucated at O.xford and called to the bar 
in 1769; appomted Under Secretary of State in 1772; one of the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations in 1776, and 


Earl of Rotcliford one of his Majesty's principal Secretaries of State he obtained a third from Lord 
Essex who is Uncle to M'^ Eden &. Benifactor to tlie Governor each warmly recommending me to 
the Notice Favour & Protection of the Governor, which I dare say will have the Desired Effect. 
In short M-- Wliarton is on such good Terms with most of tlie Lords that whatever he asks for his 
Friends he readily obtains with tlie greatest ease. M"^ Wharton took me one Day into the House 
of Lords tho' Strick Orders are against any Persons being permitted to enter it during the sitting ; 
where I saw tlie King in his royal Robes, seated on his Throne, & the Lords in their proper Robes, 
& was present when the House of Commons addressed the King k twenty four Bills received the 
royal Assent. 

I was also at the Cockpit, when the Lords of the privy Council took into Consideration the Expe- 
diency of granting a large Tract of Land & settUng a Government on the Ohio ; agreeable to a 
Petition of the Right Honourable Tho^ Walpole, Brother to Lord Walpole, M^ Wharton, Major Trent, 
& of many Lords : to the granting of which Petition Lord Hillsborough alone objected, tliat Part 
of the Lands prayed for, were the Property of the Cherokee Indians, and that it was contrary to 
the good Pohcy of tliis Country to permit the Americans to settle the interior Parts of America : to 
which after M'' Walpole had introduced, & made some pertinent Observations on the Subject in 
general, M"^ Wharton spoake next for several Hours & replyed distinctly to each perticular Objec- 
tion ; and thro' the whole of the Proceedings he so fully removed all Lord Hillsborough's Objections, 
and introduced his Proofs with so much Regularity, and made his Observations on them with so 
much Propriety, Deliberation and Presence of Mind ; that fully convinced every Lord Present : & 
gave universal Satisfaction to the Gentlemen concerned : And I must say it gave me a particular 
Pleasure to Hear an American & a Countryman act his Part so well before such a Number of great 
Lords, at such an August Board ; And I now have the great Pleasure to inform you that tlieir 
Lordships have overruled Lord Hillsborough's Report, & have reported to his Majesty in favour of 
M"" Wharton & his Associates. This is looked upon here as a most Extraordinary Matter : And 
what no American ever accomplished before. Indeed no one from America, ever had so much 
Interest, and was so attended to by the great Lords as M'" Wharton, cannot conclude without doing 
him the Justice, of saying, that he has tlie greatest Respect for you & in all Companies Speaks in the 
higiiest Manner of you, and in Publick Companies your American Friends always give you lor a 
Toast & drink your Health in a Bumper. 

Many are the Places of Intertaininent & Curiosities in London which Delight & amuse tlie mind, 
Renalgh, Vauxhall & Marybone Gardens hold the foremost Rank for Splendor & Eligance. S' Pauls 
Church the Palaces of New Kensington S' James's & Hampton the Mension House, London & 
West-Minster Bridges & Westminster Abbey Strike the Mind of the Beholder with an agreeable 
Sense of Grandeur & Magnificence. 

I spent some Days in viewing the Monuments in Westminster Abbey & taking oflf some of the 
Inscriptions in a Journal, amongs the rest I viewed with particular Attention, a magnificent 
Monument of white Marble erected to the Memory of tliat Gallant Admiral, your Uncle, Sir Peter 
Warren : done by the Masterly Hand of Rubiliac ; close by the Wall is a large flag hanging to a 
Flag-Staff, & spreading in natural Folds behind the whole Monument. Before is a fine Figure of 
Hercules placing Sir Peter's Bust on its Pedestal ; & on the other Side is a Figure of Navigation, 

in 1778 was named one of the Commissioners for restoring peace in America. In 1782 he became Chief Secretary of Ireland 
under the Earl of Carlisle, with whom he had visited this country, and a privy Chancellor in 1783. In 1785 he was named 
Minister to France; in 178G he was one of the Lords of Trade, and in 1788, Ambassador to the court at Madrid. In 1789 he 
■was raised to the Peerage as Baron Auckland, and was Minister to Holland in 1793. He died 28th of May, 1814. He was the 
author of Letters on Finance, but his principal work is, The Principles of Penal Law,. 8vo. 1772. Ed. 

Vol. IV. 38 


with a Laurel-Wreath in her Hand, gazing on the Bust with a Look of Admiration ; behind her a 
Cornu-Copia pours out Fruit, Corn, Money, a Fleece &c And by it is a Cannon and a lable folding 
very naturaly over an Anchor & many other Decorations. 

As it is a Time of Profound Peace. And we have no News here I beg leave to conclude witli 
asking your Pardon for the Prolixity of this Letter, pray give my Compliments to Sir John Johnson, 
Co' Claus & Lady Co' Johnson & Lady, & all enquiring Friends & Receive this tho' tediou